BflBtnn llniucraity (Enllrur of Cibrral Arts library
The Gift of -Wie, a.u.-VVu>i
37415
EZEKIEL AS THE FATHER OF JUDAISLI
BOSTON UNIVERSITY GRADUATE SCHOOL
Thesis
EZEKIEL AS THE FATHER OF JUDAISM
Submitted by- Joseph Solomon Goodman
In Partial Fulfilment of Requirements for the Degree of LIa.ster of Arts
19 2 8
BOSTON UNIVERSITY
ALLEGE Oc LIBERAL -ARTS bMRARV
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An nt*
TABLE OF CONTENTS I
Page
CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION 1
1. Pre-Mosaic Religion: 1650 to about
1200 B.C 2
2. Mosaic Religion; 1200 to a"bout 1150 B»C« ••• 5
3. Religion of Israel in Canaan: About 1150
to 621 B.C 7
(a) pre-Prophetic Religion: About 1150
to 760 B.C 7
(b) Prophetic Religion: 760-321 B.C 12
i
CHAPTER II. I3RAELITI3L1 DRAWING TO A CLOSE 16
CHAPTER III. THE ILLIEDIATE FORERUNNERS OF
JUDAISU 28
1. Deuteronomy (621 B.C.) 28
2. Jeremiah (626-586 E.C.) 40
3. Exile (Assyrian and Babylonian) 49
CHAPTER IV. THE TRANSITION 60
1. Political Downfall and Spiritual Triumph.. 61
2. Reformation and Reorganization 71
CHAPTER V. THE BXW COLOJUITITY 75
1. Foundation and Structure 77
2. Religious Life and L'ode 81
ii
TABLE CF C0I!TE::TS - CONTINUED
Page
CHAPTER VI. THE RECONSTRUCTED RELIGION 94
1 . phases 96
a. Prophetic 96
b. Apocalyptic 98
c Devotional. 99
fX J Character of the psalms 101
(2) Religion of the psalms 103
(a) The Idea of God 103
To) The Idea of Suffering 103
(c) The Idea of Immortality 104
(3) The Use of the psalms 104
d. priestly 106
e. Rabbinical Ill
2. Elements 114
a. Conception of God 116
b. The Theocracy 118
c Religious Institutions 120
(1) Divine Ownership of Everything 120
i cL j • S"0 ELC ©••••••••••••••••••••••♦•••••••3. 21
(b) . Time 123
[X»)» Sabbath 123
( 2» } . Passover 124
(3» j . Pentecost 125
f 4» J . Tabernacles 126
(5M. The Feast of Trumpets 126
(6';. The Day of Atonement 127
(c) . Property 128
(d) . Life 128
(2) Arbitrary Enactment 131
d. Ethics 135
e. Legalism 138
iii
TABLE OF COIITErTS - CCWTUfOlD
fage
CHAPTER VII. A BRIEF HISTORICAL SURVEY
OF JUDAISM 140
1. The First Century Following the Establish-
ment of Judaism (444 or 397 B »C • to
333 B»C 143
2. The Hellenistic Epoch:; 333 B »C • to the
Dispersion 70 A«D 148
3. The Talmudic Epoch: 70 to 800 A»D 161
4. The Rabbinic Epoch: 800-1750 A»D 130
5. The Modern Epoch: 17SC-1925 a«D 200
CHAPTER VIII. PERPETUATIOi: OF JUDAISM 310
1. Conception of God 211
2. Law 213
3. Worship 215
4. Deeds/. 219
CHAPTER IX. THE F0U1TDER AND PERPETUATOR
OF JUDAI31.: 222
1. Introduction 222
2. Ezekiel as the Founder and perpetuator
of Judaism * 231
a« Conception of God 231
b. Individualism 238
c. Ethics 242
d. Idessianism 244
e. Legalism and Ritualism 247
(1) The Temple 248
(2) The Temple Ritual 243
(3; The people and the Land 251
iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS - CONCLUDED
CHAPTER X. CONCLUSION BIBLIOGRAPHY
Page 254
256
******* ****** ***** * * * * * * * * * *
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
In tracing the origins and foundations of the last stage of the religion of Israel - Judaism - with a view of determining its "father ", or founder, it becomes necessary to observe the substance, at least, of Isra- el's religion in its various preceding stages. The rela- tive position and the significance of the constituent elements of the religious product of the "father" of the last stage of Israeli religion becomes then more apparent. Obviously, such procedure of treatment of our subject furnishes us with a background for our main study- It also outlines for us the course of growth or development of the religion of Israel from earliest times down to the close of Israelitism (that is, the religion of Israel be- fore the inoeption of Judaism) .
This religious evolution of Israel which coin- cides more or less with its historical development, po- litically, socially, and economically, passed through the following stages before it reached its final form - Judaism :
1. The Pre-Mosaic Religion (about 2100 or 1650
to about 1200 B«C')*
2. The Mosaic period (1200 to about 1150 B.C»)*
3. Religion of Israel in Canaan to the Deuter-
2
1
onomic Reform (about 1150 to 621 B-C«)
(a) The pre-Prophetic Religion (about 1150
to 760 B.0-) •
(b) The prophetic Religion (760 to 621 B-C-)-
A brief description of the religious life of each re- spective stage or period follows;
1* pre-Uosaic Religion: 165Q to about 13QQ B « C »
The exact nature of the religion of the patri- archal age is unknown. The J E P narratives in the first book of the Pentateuch, Genesis, labor on the as- sumption that the God of the patriarchs referred to in
various names was Yahweh. Historically, however, it
3
was Moses who first introduced Yahweh to Israel. For our conception of the religion of the ancestors of Is- rael we must hence turn to the limited and implicit sources at the command of modern science and archae- ology. The tribal, nomadic life of the Israelites - a branch of the Semites - of these primeval days, with their ultimate home in Arabia as is commonly held,
1< The period of Israel's religious development in- augurated by the Deuteronomic reform (621 B«C«) is treated in the third chapter "The Immediate Forerunners of Judaism", infra, pp. 28-60*
2. Or about 2100 to 1200 B^C-
3. Some soholars maintain that the tribes of Levi and Judah were familiar with the worship of Yahweh before the appearance of Hoses.
3
points to a nomadic-Semitic form of religion. Survi- vals of ancient nomadic customs and practices preserved in the Pentateuch substantiate such a contention. And while documentary evidence pertaining to Israelitish or other Semitic nomad tribes is lacking, the history and religion of the ancient Arabs serve as valuable implicit evidence* Many ancient nomadic characteristics and cus- toms retained by the Arabs after the rise of Islam (622 A»D»)> as well as those that still obtain among them, especially among the Bedouins, also throw light upon the religious life of the Pre-Mosaic period.
A careful examination of the sources available leads to the belief on the one hand that monotneism as well as animism, ancestor worship, politheism, and to- temism are doubtful features of tne religious life of the Semitic nomads. On the other hand, the contention that the most characteristic feature of the Semitic no- mad religion at this stage was polydemonism or multi- piritism is substantiated. Worship of spirits believed
to inhabit trees, springs, stones and mountains consti-
1
tuted this belief. Such was the conception of the deity of the Semitic nomad.
1 • Traces of polydemonism are numerous in the Old Testament and are also found in the religion of the Arabs. A few references in the Old Testament will suffice. (Footnote Continued on Following Page)
4
Traditional rites and customs, however, were then the essence of religion. Certain precautions, as various forms of purification, were taken previous to the approach of the Deity. Occasionally, "but not as fre- quently as in later times, sacrifices were offered without
the medium of a priest as a means of securing and sym-
2
bolizing vividly the close relation with the Deity. The ban (cherem) , blood-revenge, circumcision, sacramental communion with the Deity by means of blood and its use as a means of protection against disease and death, the Pas- sover as a home feast of yeaning time, and a sheep-shear- ing festival, and the new moon were observed during this period. No moral code either written or oral obtained then. Custom which was fixed and unchangeable and applicable only to the members of the tribe governed all human conduct of the Israelites of the nomadic period.
(Footnote Continued from Preceding Page)
Genesis, 12. 6 (The sacred oracular terebinth at Lloreh.)
Genesis, 21. 33. (Abraham's tamarisk tree in Beer- Sheba.)
Genesis, 16. 14. (Beer-Lahoi-roi . )
Genesis, 28. 11-22. (Sacred stone of Bethel.)
Exodus, 3. 1. (Horeb or Sinai.)
I Kings, 2o. 23. ("a god of the hills".)
1. Divination, interpretation of omens and giving ooun-
s el as to how evil, portended by any omen oould be averted, constituted the main functions of the priest.
2. Sacrifices always accompanied the killing of an ani- mal down to the Deuteronomic reform (621 B.C»)#
5
No distinction was made between social, moral, and re- ligious duties and no custom could be violated with im- punity. Machinery or means for the enforcement of an established custom did not exist. "Eye for an eye" was administered privately and commission of a crime was otherwise punishable by outlawry. Custom became modi- fied only unconsciously and collectively.
2. Mosaic Religion 12QQ to about 1150 3* 0.
The evolution from polydemonism to Yahwehism
gave birth to the religion of Israel as well as to the
fusion of the various israelitish tribes into the na-
1
tion, Israel. Yahweh, who was the God of Sinai, was introduced to Israel by Moses. And by virtue of the marvelous deliverance of the Israelites from Egypt, the unique cohesion between Israel and Yahweh, which ini- tiated the most important development in Israel's reli- gious experience, took place. The entire growth or evolution of Yahwehism until Yahweh becomes ruler of the whole universe may be ascribed to this unparalleled
1 . Budde in The Religion of Israel to the Exile , pp . 2C f •, advances the hypothesis that Yahweh was the God of the Kenites, and on p. 38, contends that "Israel's religion became ethical because it was a religion of choice and not nature, because it rested on a voluntary decision which established an ethical relation between the people and its God". Of. also supra, p. 2, note 3.
s
cohesion. And regaxdless of the uncertainty as to whether the Decalogue emanated from Moses or not, there is no doubt that the germ and potentiality of the sub- sequent magnificent ethical development is to be found in this initial cleavage of Israel unto Yahweh.
Inconsistent as it may seem, Yahweh has now become God of Israel as well as of Mount Sinai • An exclusive religion (Yahwehism) for all times has, how- ever, not been consciously created by Moses. He un- doubtedly had no other God but Yahweh in mind. Still monotheism was unknown in those days. And on the basis of solid history we cannot maintain that the religion of Moses was monotheistic "Monolatry," as Professor Karl
Marti says, "is the hallmark of the old Israel itish 1
faith."
Besides tliia adoption of Yahweh as God of Is- rael and its consequent creation of a common bond among the Israelitish tribes, other significant changes took place during their sojourn at Kadesh. Consolidation of a national feeling, introduction of a form of administra- tion of justice, f amiliarization with the art of agricul- ture, and the taking root of the new religion of Yahweh
2
are the achievements of Kadesh. Religious life other-
1. Marti, Karl: The Religion of the Old Testament, p. 71.
2. Exodus, 18.
7
wise was, of course, in harmony with desert life, with little changes if any from the previous period. Simplicity was the earmark of this religious life*
3. Religion of Israel in Canaan About 1150 to £21 B* Q.
With excellent sources of information at our command for this period, especially the J. (850 B.C.) and E» (750 B« C») narratives and the prophetic books, the religion of Israel in Canaan may be described with greater certainty.
(a) Pre-Prophetic Religion About 115Q to 760 B>C.
A period of transf ormation from a desert life of nomadic nature to an agricultural life was ushered in upon Israel's entrance into Canaan. The religion of Yahweh at once came into immediate contact with a civili- zation where an extensive sacrificial cultus of Baalim
or Baals' worship was in vogue. At first a sense of
between
consciousness of the distinction «, Yahweh and the Baals prevailed among the Israelites. The shrines and sanc- tuaries of Yahweh were then kept separate. Yahweh' s worship was national and in time of an emergency, as war, Yahweh was sought. In time of peace and tranquility the Israelites called upon the Baals for their agricul-
s
tural "bounty. Yahweh as well as the Baals were not ex- clusive Gods. With the exception of "the limping be-
1
tween the two sides" incident of Elijah none of the Baals were conceived as substitutes for Yahweh.
Later, as the process of transformation pro- gressed, the Baals were absorbed by Yahweh. The dis- tinction observed at first disappeared. Israel appro- priated the high places, sanctuaries, ritual, customs, and sensual rites and cult of the Baals or gods of the Canaanites. Yahweh. was thus combined with the acts of worship of the Baals. Clearly, no pantheon or pre- valence of the Baals took place. 'That actually hap- pened was that Yaweh, the God of Sinai and Israel pre- vailed over the Baals. This dominance of Yahweh as God or Lord of Canaan was' due to the fact that in contrast to the Baals Yahweh had a name, a history, a personality, and a distinctive character. Having become associated with the land or soil of Canaan Yahweh "militant" ( z 1 waoth) was now regarded also as the giver of agricul- tural bounty. And in true Canaanitish fashion with all the degrading moral influences, sensual and immoral form of worship (q1 deshoth, and sodomites) that it entailed,
1. I Kings, 18. 20, f .
9
Israel worshiped Yahweh. It was an heathenish but not an idolatrous form of worship that Israel became identi- fied, with.
Yahweh was Israel *s national God who was con- cerned on the whole with national affairs. His juris- diction was confined only to Canaan and Sinai. He was conceived as sufficiently powerful and sufficiently know- ing to cope with a situation at hand. He was not con- sidered, however, as omnipotent, omnipresent, and omni- scient •
As a result of the adoption of the numerous Canaanitish sanctuaries and shrines and the more ornate and elaborate agricultural ritual, the functions of the priesthood were also duly transformed. From diviners and interpreters of omens the priests became the cus- todians or guardians of the shrines, the manipulators and interpreters of the oracles of God, and the conser- vers of custom and tradition.
"These families," (of priests), says Dr. George Foot lloore, "formed no exclusive caste, though at an early time 'Levite1 priests - whether Levi be the name of a guild or a clan - were regarded as a superior kind."^-
With sacrifice as the kernel of religion, the priests
1- Moore, C-. F«: History of Religion, Vol. II, p. 9.
10
gradually arrogated to themselves the right to sacrifice, which, with the development of the monarchy and an or- ganized priesthood, fell more and more to their lot. Nazirites, Rechabites, and the non-literary prophets were also active in this period* The prophets "before reaching the stage of reformers were gradually supplanting the priests as expounders of divine oracles and became the champions of Yahweh.
Preparatory or purification acts anterior to worship common in the nomadic period were continued. To this propitiatory acts, e>:pressed mainly through sac- rifice, and various acts accompanying the worship as dancing, singing, music, drinking, lavish feasting, and immoral intercourse with sacred prostitutes ( q' deshoth) were added. Circumcision which was common to all Semites, the new moon unknown to the Canaanites, the Sabbath ori- ginally a Babylonian and later a Cannanitish institution, as well as the Passover, originally a nomadic festival, the feast of the first fruits of the wheat harvest (Pen- tecost) and the f east of ingathering - both of which were Canaanitish - were all now institutions of the Israelites. The Sabbath and the festivals were purely agricultural in nature •
No distinction was as yet made between morals or good conduct and religion. There wajs no appeal nor
11
resort to law as is illustrated by the incident of Am- 1
non and Tamor. The standard of morality or ethics was
not guided by any law but by what "ought to be done in 1
Israel" and was confined to Israel and the resident
alien only. Any offense against the nation was con-
2
sidered as an offense against Yahweh and vice versa* The rigorous condemnation in the early narratives (J. 850 B«C», and E« 750 B*C») of the unethical con- duct of David and Ahab discloses on the one hand the high sense of morality of the time; on the other hand, weak points are observed in the stories of Abraham and a still darker side is found in the stories of Jacob. As morality was confined tc those within the nation and
governed by custom, it was naturally narrow. The oldest
3
Israeli tish code, however, known as the Covenant Code, while not looked up to then as the authoritative code of the lajid nor considered as revealed religion, dis- closes, by virtue of its elevated regulations, a high moral trend then prevalent. But neither the Decalogue nor the Covenant attempted to regulate the whole life of the individual. They were intended chiefly for the
1. II Samuel, 13. 12.
2. The judicial murder of Naboth, I Kings, 21. 13.
3. Exodus, chapters 20-23.
12
judges and priests.
(\>) prophetic Religion: 760-621 B»C»
In the messages of the leading prophetic per-
1
sonalities of the eighth century B»C», we note the clear and direct antithesis of the popular heathenish religion of Israel in Canaan, outlined in the preceding section* The prophetic religion, while attaching it- self to the past, made "notable advance in the direction of a complete release of Israelitic religion from na- tional entanglements and its preparation for a world- 2
wide mission". It was a religion of reform whose
"Forward step did not consist so much in the introduction of new ideas, as in the ethical deepening and clearer definition of ideas and convictions already present."1
In this ethical deepending and emphatic and clear ex- pression of its lofty ideals and idealism, it uncon- sciously lifted the religion of Israel to the unique place it occupies in the religious history of mankind. Its outstanding characteristic is its pure ethical monotheism. It presents no philosophical theory of
1. Amos (about 760-750 B»C»)» Hosea (approximately 750-735 or 746-734 B.C-); Isaiah, the son of Amoz (about 740-701 B»C») and Micah, the younger contempo- rary of Isaiah. These are the prophets which concern us in our study at present.
2. Knudson, A« 0»: Beacon Lights of Prophecy, p. 24.
13
monotheism, but rather a practical one which is one- sided in its conception of Yahweh 's attitude toward the world. Yahweh, it conceives, as trancedent and supra- mundane. He is omnipotent, omnipresent, and omniscient within His jurisdiction and sphere of influence which ex- tends to wherever a question of right was involved; but He is not infinite.
The prophetic religion not only moralized and spiritualized Yahweh, but also denationalized Him. In its tenets Yahweh - tiie God of justice, righteousness, loving kindness, purity, equality, and impartiality and consistency as well as the patron of the poor, needy, helpless and oppressed - is the ruler of history as a whole, using the enemies of Israel as tools for its punishment. It proclaims the new idea that Yahweh and Israel are not inseparable - the destruction of Israel does not involve the annihilation of Yahweh. '.There the leaders and the people saw prosperity and security it perceived doom, for it set a new Standard of ethical and religious values. It introduced new conceptions as to the requirements of Yahweh. Honesty, morality, social justice, righteousness, kindness and virtue are the pil- lars of the prophetic religion. Sacrifice, which con- stituted the focal point of the popular worship, is in ojid of itself abominable to the prophetic teaching.
14
Only if employed in a proper spirit of contrition and pure religious experience does sacrifice justify its use. At all events, it is of subordinate significance in the religion of the prophets.
In further contrast with the popular religion the prophetic teaching identifies morality with the will of Yahweh and not with custom. It is a religion of mo- tive and not acts that the prophetic teaching emphasizes. Yahweh is its standard in estimating the attitude of the people towards Him. Hence faith and belief are funda- mental. Morality, to repeat, is to be apprehended di- rectly from God. His word determines what is right and wrong through the medium of the prophet. And this vi- tal and immediate relation between religion and morality,
between God and man is, according to the r>roohetic teach-
1
ing, not to be interposed by law. No trace of legalism is to be found in the demands of the prophets. The idea of lawgiving, once and for all, was the very antithesis of their prophetic teaching - the revelation of Yahweh made known to the people through the spoken word of the
1. In Isaiah, 1.10; 2.3; 5.24; 8.16; 30-9; and Micah 4.2, "law" (Torah) is used, but in a sense synonymous with the "teaching" or "word" of Jehovah; and likewise, probably in Amos, 2.4 and Hosea 8.12. These and other passages where the eigth century prophets refer to Yah- weh' s law (Torah) and to his statutes and ordinances, it is more probably the oral instruction of priests and prophets to which allusion is made.
15
prophet. The prophets of the eighth century make no allusion to the Law of Moses. They make no appeal to the written law, nor even to a decalogue, in their de- dunciation of Israel1 s sins. Neither do they them- selves attempt to lay down any laws or to codify ethics and human conduct. It is to the general religions and moral consciousness of Israel that they appeal, and not to any acknowledged standard of religion embodied in a legal code. No legislative compulsion is even con- templated. They considered prophecy as a living, moving, and constant channel of Divine will, through which channel new revelation may come at any time* The law of Amos is the law of justice and righteous- ness. The law of Hosea is Divine love. The law of Isaiah is faith in Yahv/eh. And in Micah the religion of the eighth century prophets is summed up in the words :
"What doth Jehovah require of thee, but to do justly, and to love., kindness, and to walk humbly with they God."
1. Micah, 6.8.
16
CHAPTER II
ISRAELITISM DRAWING TO A CLOSE
As we have observed, the prophetic religion was confined to a restricted circle consisting of the prophets tnemselves and a limited group of their dis- ciples and adherents. The masses of the people, how- ever, were little influenced by the prophetic religion. Their religious life in spite of prophetic reproof and condemnation expressed itself in the national peasant religion, characterized by the Canaanitish cult and subject to no law.
Presuppositions of Deuteronomy
A little over a century prior to the publica- tion of Deuteronomy (621 B»C») both negative and posi- tive, external and internal, forces tending to change the course of Israel itism - the religion of Israel -
were beginning to make their appearance. Under
1
Tiglath-pileser HI (754-727 B»C»)> Assyria was once more on the ascendancy* On the other hand, the northern Kingdom of Israel which had reached the pin- nacle of its power during the reign of Jeroboam II (785-745) was now fast declining. A rapid succes-
1. II Kings, 15.19. (Pul) •
17
sion of insurgent rulers set in. In 739 B »C • Menahem,
the king of Israel, submitted to the Assyrian king and
1
paid him tribute. As was usually the case, such sub- mission brought in its train the customs and forms of v/orship of the dominant power. This time, however, an immediate attempt was made under pekah of Israel and Rezin of Damascus to free themselves from the Assyrian encroachment. And upon the refusal of Ahaz (736-720 B«C.), king of Judah, to join the confederacy against Assyria, the Syro-Ephraimitic War (735-734) ensued. As a result, Tiglath-pileser, unto whom Ahaz appealed for aid, overran Aram and the territory of the King- dom of Israel. In 732 B.C., by conquering the entire Kingdom of Aram and by replacing its Aramaean inhabi- tants with Assyrians, Assyria became a close neighbor of Israel. Furthermore, Tiglath-pileser also struck a decisive, though not final, blow unto Israel then, by reducing it to half its former limits, deporting its chief inhabitants to Assyrian dominions and making the remnant tributary to Assyria* The deported Is- raelites v;ith little more than a Canaanitish cult to their religious credit soon lost their religious iden- tity on foreign soil. Ihile those remaining under
1. II Kings, 15.19.
2. II Kings, 15. 29-30
18
the sway of such severe political reverses which were destined to be followed eleven years later by a final fatal blow, inevitably became subject to new foreign infiltrations., The initial negative momentum was thus obviously brought to bear upon the religion of Israel. On the one hand the Israelites who, as was the prevalent conception of the day, identified their fortunes or misfortunes with those of their God must have viewed their approaching disaster as a sign of inferiority of their God. And on the other hand, some of the Israelites must have undoubtedly sensed the fulfilment of the prophetic messages of doom. The Northern Kingdon, however, which was the least influenced by the prophetic teaching, was by virtue of its temper and imminent fall unable to rally any elevating religious element to resist the foreign on- slaught.
And Judah, too, was opening up its doors to the Assyrian infiltration. While Tiglath-pileser was engaged in his annihilation of Aram and conquest of Israel* Ahaz, king of Judah, came to Damascus to offer homage and tribute to the Assyrian monarch as his vassal. And upon returning to Jerusalem, Ahaz introduced some innovations into the temple worship life of Judah, patterned after the Assyrian style
19
1
which he observed while in Damascus. By submitting to Assyria, Judah enjoyed thirty years of rest and peace. At the same time, however, such submission involved the adoption of the Assyrian cult and possibly the introduc- tion of Assyrian deities. Another negative force was thus infused into the established Oanaanitish religion of Israel.
Meanwhile, in 722 B.C., Samaria fell at the hands of Sargon (722-705 B.C.)* itn ^B fall of the Northern Kingdom, a large portion of the adherents of Israelitism was completely lost either through slaughter deportation (27,290 people), or assimilation of the rem- nant with the new settlers. Obviously, Israelitism sus- tained a severe blow, for the fall of Samaria had also stilled forever the voice of such men as Amos and Hosea in the Northern Kingdom. Moreover, Samaria having fal- len at such an early time as to make it impossible for the prophetic teaching to come into fruitage at least to the extent it did in Judah, the sphere of Israelitism was reduced considerably.
Judah was now left as the sole center of the religion of Israel. But here, too, the Assyrian cult which, as we have seen, had already penetrated into
1. II Kings, 16. 10 f.
20
Judah had with the fall of Samaria undoubtedly "become more intense for a time at least. Judah, on the one hand, became more exposed to Assyrian influence; on the other hand, it now tended to become a buffer state for the contending powers of Assyria and later, Baby- lon and Egypt.
The fall of 3amaria fulfilled Isaiah's
1
prophecy given in 735 B«C«, and thus undoubtedly fortified the prophet's position. So, while Assyrian influences had entered unto the life of Judah, the prophet's voice, to offset that influence, wafl not sounded without a hearing.
Furthermore, Isaiah (740-701 B.C») had al- ready during the Syro-Ephraimitic Vtar (735-734 B.C») created the nucleus of the remnant out of his dis- ciples, which nucleus tended to strengthen his posi- tion. Unto this group of disciples Isaiah had com- mitted his teachings - oral and written - as a solemn testimony. These disciples and their successors most likely served later as the guardians of the prophetic teaching. And, as an internal force, they helped to bring Israelitisr.i to a close by sowing the seeds of
1. Isaiah, 7. 16.
2. Isaiah, 8. 16-17.
21
the Deuteronomic reform.
Political conditions were also changing during the reign of Ahaz's successor, Hezekiah (720-692 B«0»), who, unlike his father, was under the influence of Isaiah. Judah who had enjoyed .the blessings of a long- established dynasty and independence, was now looking for an opportunity to throw off the yoke of subjection. The spirit of national consciousness and self pride, which had been in process of formulation through the ages of independence, now gained momentum. As reflected in Deuteronomy (chapters 5-11), it also contributed to the creation of the Deuteronomic spirit. Upon the
death of the powerful Sargon in 705 B«C», and the sub-
1
sequent revolt of Merodachbala.dan in 702, Hezekiah thinking it to be an opportune time to assert his in- dependence, joined a confederacy of small states against
Assyria. The son of Sargon, Sennacherib (705-681 B.C.),
2
then came to Judah in 701, wasted and plundered it. Moreover, after reducing Hezekiah *s kingdom consider- ably, Sennacherib shut him up "like a caged bird in Jerusalem" • It was during this siege of Jerusalem by Sennacherib that Isaiah had reiterated his doctrine
1. II Kings, 20. 12.
2. II Kings, chapters 18 and 19; Isaiah, chapters 36 and 37.
22
1
of the inviolability of Jerusalem.
"Isaiah," as c- Gr. Montefiore says, "himself a citizen of the capital, shared the growing pride of its inhabitants in their metropolis, the dwell- ing place of Yahweh. For Yahweh's earthly seat, which had been formerly diffused over Palestine and manifested at every local sanctuary, was now (at least in the prophet's mind) confined to Jerusalem
This exceptional importance assigned to Jerusalem,
while misunderstood by the people in the days of Jere-
3
miah, was conducive to the Deuteronomic reform in 621 B»C» It helped to effect the Deuteronomic in- junction of centralization of worship at Jerusalem.
Again, the prediction of Isaiah having been fulfilled by the marvellous deliverances of Jerusalem from the hands of Sennacherib, prophecy had unques- tionably scored a great triumph. This event apparently
prompted Hezekiah to the execution of a religious re- 4
form , which, owing to political expediency religious conservatism ajid vested interests could not ha.ve been as extensive as is alluded to in II Kings. At any rate, slight as Hezekiah' s reform may have been, when
1. II Kings, 19. 29; Isaiah, 37. 22-35; 30. 19; 31. 4-9.
2. Hontef iore, C« G»: Ancient Hebrews, p. 141.
3. In Isaiah's thought the inviolability of Jerusalem probably meant an inviolability under certain circum- stances or the inviolability of the "ideal" Jerusalem . It did not by any means exclude the idea of purging the nation by Jehovah.
4. II Kings, 18. 4.
23
viewed in the light of the fact that Judah' s territory- was reduced considerably by Sennacherib's invasion, it helped to create the Deuteronomic environment. a smaller and more concentrated territory facilitated the centralization of worship required by Deuteronomy in 621 E.C-
Although Sennacherib had retreated from Palestine, Judah still remained the vassal of Assyria. And under the long reign of Hezelciah's son, iiajiasseh (692-639 B»C*)j a religious reaction which continued during the brief reign of Amon (639-637) set in. The devastation of Judah at the hands of Sennacherib re- quired a long period of rest in order to recuperate from the wounds iz received. This evident need prompted Manasseh to display, apparently, as much loyalty to Assyria as possible* In his zeal of devotion to As- syria, whic.'i he deemed good statesmanship, he exceeded his grandfather Ahaz. And not only did economic and political factors favor Manasseh's reaction, but also the forces of religious conservatism and vested inter- ests which curtailed Hezekiah's attempts of religious reform served also as a cause*
^ On the other hand, however, Manasseh's ex- cesses forced the better elements of Judah into the
1* II Kings, 21. 2 f.
24
prophetic ranks which were now obliged to carry on their work in secret. Manasseh's innovations "being extremely radical must also have failed to find general and uncon- ditional approval among the priests in the Temple.
After the downfall of BaOaria (722 B.C.), Judah inherited the spiritual legacy of the Northern Kingdom. The Ephraimitic narrative - E - (750 B«C«) which contains the Covenant Code (Exodus 20-23) and the writings of the prophets Amos and Hosea, who preached in the North, must have been brought to the
South by the disciples of the Northern proohets who
1
found refuge in Judah. These refugees, among whose numbers were doubtless many of the priestly rank of the North, have now fortified the forces of silent opposi- tion to Mana8seh»s innovations. Unto them the dis- astrous fate of Samaria was an object lesson. They could not fail to see that Judah with the prevalent widespread of Assyrian idea.s and religious institutions was pursuing the same course which had led Ephraim to destruction. Foreign worship, they came to realize, meant judgment at the hands of Yahweh who does not tolerate such worship.
1. J and E were combined prior to the publication of Deuteronomy (621 B.C.) about 650 B.C., in Judah na- turally.
25
It was only natural, then, that these men
who cherished the words and writings of their masters
should engage themselves in writing down that which
they deemed necessary to save Judah from destruction.
"It was seen," says Dr. Karl Eudde, "that the preaching of the prophets alone would not suf- fice* For the effect of their preaching was de- pendent on the uncertain possibility of finding receptive hearts, and opposing currents were setting all too narrow limits to its success. What was needed was active interference, an un- sparing sweeping' away of the abuses, an emphatic inculcation of right conduct, especially in the rising generation. These demands were formulated in the book in which law and sermon are quite pe- culiarly combined, so that we constantly hear to- gether the voices of priest and prophet. I re- fer to Deuteronomy • "1
Obviously, that which later became to be
known as Deuteronomy has most likely been composed
in essence during the reign of Manasseh, by those
priests and disciples of the prophets who cherished
2
the prophetic teaching. The publication of these
1. Budde, Karl: The Religion of Israel to the Exile, p. 171.
2. According to Dr. Charles Foster Kent: Israel's Laws and Legal Precedents, pp. 34 and 35, Deuteronomy chapters 10-19 and 26, and probably chapter 28, con- stitute the original form of Deuteronomy (621 B •(/•)• Then the miscellaneous groups of laws in chapters 20- 25 were doubtless added early. Later the same school of prophetic reformers added the decalogue and ex- hortations in chapters 5-11. "The entire legal sec- tion (5-28), however, was in the present form prob- ably complete, or nearly so, before the Babylonian exile . "
26
writings which also by nature of their content substan- tiate the belief of being the product of the age of Man- ass eh, had to be postponed. Living under the sweep of such an unsurpassed religious reaction, and being under the yoke of the powerful Assyria, the authors of Deuter- onomy were waiting cautiously for an opportune time.
Meanwhile, conditions were so shaping them- selves as to favor the successful publication of Deuter- onomy. In 639 B»C» the long reign of Manasseh passed at last. Two years later his son Amon, who succeeded him and who followed in the footsteps of his father, was assassinated. Anion's son, the boy Josiah (637- 608 E.C») who appears to have been under the influence of the reforming party came to the throne.
Assyria, too, whose ideas and religious in- stitutions had by virtue of its dominance penetrated into Judah, was now declining in power. Also, the Scythians, a numberless horde of savages from the steppes of the Don, the Volga and the Caucasus, were then making their invasions about 630-628 B«C. These roaming hordes overran Media, Assyria, Phoenicia, and philistia, striking terror in the hearts and minds of the people of the countries they overran by their ruthlessness and barbarity. From philistia they swarmed into Judah. And while Jerusalem itself was
27
spared, probably by virture of its mountainous position and by means of heavy bribe, these Scythian barbarians left behind them a tremendous fearful impression upon the people of Judah. Both Zephaniah (about 627 B«C«) and Jeremiah (626-585 B «C • ) voice the horror of the Scythian irruption and utilize it as a warning for Judah. On the one hand, the failure of the gods of Assyria, Babylon, Phoenicia, and philistia to save their respective worshippers from the savage Scythians was now undoubtedly brought to the attention of the Judaeans. on the other hand, the folly of the re- ligious reaction of Manasseh must have been brought home. All these events, coupled later with the death of Ashurbanipal in 626 B.C., which resulted in fifteen years of lingering death for Assyria, paved the way for the successful introduction of Deuteronomy (621 3«C.)»
28
CHAPTER III THE Ii&lEDIATE F0RERUN1JER3 OF JUDAISM
The religion of Israel or Israeli tism as we have seen was now beginning to pass into a new stage of development. Before reaching the stage of formu- lation into what is known as Judaism a period embrac- ing what we may term "the forerunners of Judaism" set in. The relation and bearing of each of these fore- runners upon Judaism will now be discussed briefly.
1. Deuteronomy (621 B» CO
The reforming party, having justly felt that the propitious moment for the . introduction of Deuter- onomy has arrived, wafl' determined to have not merely an appearance of the book, but to secure for it public acknowledgment by king and people as the law of the land. 7fith this end in view, it seems to have en- trusted the chief priest of the Jerusalem temple, Hilkiah, with this mission of effecting an unequivo- cal victory for its cause. The reformers were no doubt determined this time to see that their book does not fare the fate of the older collections ( E and J). They realized the fact that the la.ck of royal, legal, and public sanction and national recognition had con-
29
fined the older works to the jurisdiction of the priests and a restricted circle of learned laity. Conscious of their task and sincerely believing their book to be in accordance with the spirit of the Mosaic religion, they placed its contents, as a whole, in the mouth of Moses •
In executing his mission, Hilkiah seems to have acted wisely. He brought the "book of the law" to the attention of the king whom he knew to be favor- ably disposed to the reform party as an accidental
1
"find" in the house of Jehovah. Thus the initial victory of the reform party was won in 621 B «C •
The king, JosiaJh, soon received assurance of
the book's authencity and sacredness by inquiring of
' 2
Jehovah through the prophetess Huldah. Then:
"The king went up to the house of Jehovah ajnd all the men of Judah and all the inhabitants of Jerusalem with him and the priests, and the prophets, and all the people, both small and great: and he read in their ears all the words of the book of the covenant which was found in the house of Jehovah. And the king stood by the pillar (or on the platform) and made a covenant before Jehovah, to walk after Jehovah, and to keep his commandments, and his testimo- nies and his statutes, with all his heart, and all his soul, to confirm (or perform) the words of this covenant that were written in this book: and all the people stood to the covenant. "^
1. II Kings, 22. 8 f.
2. II Kings, 22. 14 f .
3. II Kings, 23. 22-23.
30
In such a moment of exaltation and excitement Deuter- 1
onomy had the fortune of being the first book of the Old Testament to be accepted by the people as the law of the land. And through royal prerogative practical effect was given to its acceptance by a series of ac- tive and sometimes violent reforms throughout the length and breadth of the land.
This event unconsciously marked the stepping- stone to Judaism.' In this book of Deuteronomy - the creation of the minds and hands of both priests and prophets - (the spirit of the prophets though prevail- ing on the whole), the germs of Judaism are to be found. Its prophetization and incidentally its statuatization of law, both civil and religious, are the kernels, as we shall see later, out of which the "father of Judaism" Ezekiel (592-570 B«C») had constructed the foundation of Judaism. For the first time, to repeat, there was now a generally recognized book of holy scripture, so to speak, which was to be literally observed as em- bodying the law of the State in matters of faith and of ■y life. As such, Deuteronomy marks the inception of the canonization of the Scriptures. In a sense, it is the first Bible. From a "people of the word" Israel
1. II Kings, 23. 22-23.
31
was now becoming a "people of the book". Its religion became a book of religion and its object of study a the- ology. As Dr. Henry Preserved Smith says • The number and minuteness of the specifications in Deuteronomy jus- tifies us in making it introduce the first stage of le-
1
galism - a fundamental characteristic of Judaism. In its attempt to lay down in black and white a complete rule of life for the Israelite it introduces the stage of legalism.
Furthermore, the acceptance of Deuteronomy as the written word of Yahweh unconsciously, . on the part of its authors, marked the beginning of the end of prophecy. This written revelation accepted as divine began to so supplant the oral revelation of Yahweh coming through the medium of the prophet that gradually the phenomena of prophecy disappeared entirely. As the divine word of Yahweh could be found in a written book the place and function of the prophet was becoming more and more insignificant and unnecessary. Hence the origin of the process which resulted in the complete cessation of prophecy from Judais.i is to be found in Deuteronomy.
Another germ, which later evolved into a. phe- nomenon characteristic of Judaism, was to be found in
1. Smith, H» P«: The Religion of Israel, p. 190*
32
the Deuteronomic reform. The former priestly instruc- tion was now of necessity becoming subservient to the written revelation. This function wa.s now being trans- formed into one of interpretation and exposition of the law. The priests who were then about the only leaxned class were now becoming the first official exegetists and expositors of the law. In due time, however, the lay scribes or Sopherim (scholars of the lav/), and ultimately the Rabbis, have become the trained interpreters and ex- pounders of the law. The oriests, on the other hand,
1
by virtue of the centralization of worship, and the re-
2
moval of the sacrificial character from slaughter, were becoming more and more sacrificial and ritualistic func- tioners. This transformation of the function of inter- pretation and instruction from the priesthood to the lay scribes and ultimately to the Rabbis was apparently fore- seen by Ezekiel. In chapter 7, verse 26, he says: "The law shall perien, from the priest."
The germ of the doctrine of individual respon- sibility and retribution later elaborated upon and given
3
much currency by Ezekiel incorporated into Judaism, es- pecially in the teachings of the post-exilic sages, is
1. Deuteronomy, 12. 2 f .
2. Deuteronomy, 12. 15.
3. Ezekiel, 3. 16-21; 14. 2 f; 18. 2-4, 21-22; 33. 10 f •
33
also to be found in Deuteronomy.
"The fathers shall not be put to death for the children," says Deuteronomy, "neither shall the children be put to death for the fathers : ^ every man shall be put to death for his ovm sin.w
Embracing as it does as its ovm dominant feature the prophetic spirit, Deuteronomy then naturally finds expression also in that aspect of Judaism reflected in the P&alter (those phases which have profound af- finity with the teachings of the great prophets).
In other respects, too, Deuteronomy served as
one of the immediate forerunners of Judaism. As the
prophetic law book, it not only embraces the theology
of its prophetic predecessors, but also goes beyond it.
And while it does not reach the monotheism of Deutero-
isaiah, it makes a notable stride towards it - that
element which became later the quintessence of Judaism.
2
Its confession of faith the Shema has become since Deuteronomy the password of Judaism cherished through- out the succeeding centuries. it gave rise to the later development of a Judaism in which its members are to be instructed in the tenets of religion. Its in- junction that:
"And these words which I com.iiamd thee this day
1. Deuteronomy, 24. 16
2. Deuteronomy, 6. 4.
34
shall be upon they heart. And thou shalt teach them diligently unto thy children, and shalt talk of them when thou sit test in thy house, and ?;hen thou walkest by the way, and when thou liest down and when thou r is est up."l
has in no small measure influenced the creation and main- tenance of the educational institutions of Judaism (the synagogue, the scribal and rabbinical academies and later other Jewish religious schools), which illumined the Jewish mind and soul even during the darkest periods in the history of civilization. Out of this Deuteronomic injunction undoubtedly arose later the conception prevail- ing in Judaism to the present day, of Israel as the "people of the book" in the sense of a people craving for learning and holding it in high esteem. Its precept of
"And thou shalt bind them for a sign upon thy hand, and they shall be for frontlets between thy eyes."£>
has in later Rabbinical Judaism been given expression by means of the tef illin (phylacteries) which every Jewish male wears during week-day morning services upon reaching confirmation (at the age of thirteen) and thereafter. Likewise, the m' zuzah (a wooden or tin receptacle) is in accordance with Rabbinical ordinance found nailed to the door posts of every Jewish orthodox home on the
1. Deuteronomy, 6. 7.
2. Deuteronomy, 6. 8. Also in Exodus, 13. S, 16. The phylacteries contain the passages; Exodus 13, 1-16 and those in Deuteronomy, 6. 4-9; 11. 13.
35
basis of:
"And thou shalt write them upon the door- posts of thy house, and upon thy gates. "1
Also, the Rabbinic institution of the zizit (fringes)
as an undergarment and at services as an overgarment
reminding the wearer of the six hundred and thirteen
commandments is due to:
"Thou shalt make thee fringes upon the four borders of thy vesture wherewith thou coverest thyself."2
By developing or "expounding" the laws col-
% u
lected or repeated with respect to the moral ends which they subserve, and the motives which should prompt their obedience, Deuteronomy paved the way for all subsequent exposition so typical of .Judaism, es- pecially of the Talmudic age. And as the canoniza- tion of the Pentateuch did not take place over two hun- dred years later (400 B«C»)j the first canon, Deuter- v onomy, with its historical legislative and parenetic elements served as the fundamental sacred religious book for the people. The laws found in J and E,
1. Deuteronomy, 6. 9.
2. Deter onomy, 22. 12. See also numbers, 15. 33-40.
3. The laws existing before Deuteronomy either oral or written (in the earlier narratives j and E) carried as we have seen no obligatory observance enf or cable
by authority either royal or popular and were confined to the priests and judges^ whereas the Deuteronomic regulations are primarily for the guidance of the people rather than of the priests and judges.
36
which are primarily narratives, are expanded in Deuter-
1
onomy, while later the laws in the Law of Holiness - Leviticus, 17-26 (560 B«0«) - are in several features parallel to those in Deuteronomy. Finally, the P Code of still later origin (500 B«C»), which is distinctly priestly and ritualistic, is independent of Deuteronomy. Obviously, even after the canonization of the Pentateuch, the book most vital and fundamental for the guidance of the non-priestly and non- judicial elements of the people, was Deuteronomy. It is natural, then, to find that in the Mishnah (about 200 A»D«) and in its subsequent vast elaboration the Gemara (about 500 A«D») the Biblical pas- sages of primary concern to the masses of Israel are from Deuteronomy. Its relation to the expository and exege- tical aspects of Judaism is, clearly, very close. Like- wise, its influence on such aspects Yias decidedly great. The high moral and ethical duties it prescribes as well as its laws of religious observance, its ordinances rela- tive to the judges, ruler, priest and prophet, and its criminal, civil, and domestic laws have all served as a starting point for Judaism upon which they left their characteristic mark. A^cL by combining ethics with
1. Compared with the Book of the Covenant, the Law of Holiness deals much more with moral and ceremonial regulations than with civil and criminal ma.tters.
37
ritual and making it serve as a vehicle for many ethical requirements much of the prophetic teaching became in- culcated into Judaism.
1
•Deuteronomy1 s purification of worship and its centralization at Jerusalem served as the basis for its re-establishment under Ezra (either 458 B.C. or 597 E«C»)* It undoubtedly helped to create the institution of the synagogue with prayer instead of sacrifice as the form of worship. ,7ith only one sanctuary in the land and ani- mal slaughter divorced from sacrifice, it became necessary of course to devise an institution which will afford the opportunity for communal religious worship outside of the temple. Deuteronomy thus gave birth to the idea of the Church which in turn gave rise to a separate profession - that of the clergy which is obviously an institution of Judaism.
The idea of the State a.s a theocracy wa.s also introduced by Deuteronomy through its theocratic require-
c>
ments which the monarchy is to satisfy. it conceives
of Yahweh as the supreme ruler and the kingdom primarily
3
as a kingdom of God. Israel is a holy nation whom
1. Thank-offerings or tributes characterize sacrifice in Deuteronomy. Sin-offerings are ignored.
2. Deuteronomy, 17. 14-20* (The word "theocracy", however, is first employed by Josephus.)
3. Deuteronomy, 7. 6; 14. 2, 21; 18. 13; 26. 18-19; 28. 9-10-
38
1
Yahweh had chosen merely because of His love and because of His faithfulness to the oath He had made to the "fa- thers" of Israel, and not because of any merit of the na- tion. Israel is, hence, to be isolated by its reli- gion from all others and is to be the abode of divine majesty and the guardian of divine law. This idea of a theocracy and Israel as a holy nation was the pattern or guide at the time of the establishment of .Judaism un- der Ezra (either 458 or 397 B»0«)» Deuteronomy thus prepared the way for the exclusive and particularistic character of Judaism.
2
By nationalizing and sanctifying the Sabbath 3
and the festivals Deuteronomy transf ered unto Judaism ever-enduring institutions, which helped to preserve the nationalistic spirit of Judaism - a spirit very manifest in Deuteronomy, chapters 5-11. But to quote Dr. George Foot Lioore:
"Notwithstanding the sanguinary thoroughness which it demands the extirpation of heathenism and the severity of many of the special laws, the dis- tinctive note of Deuteronomic legislation is hu- manity, philantropy, and charity. Taken all in all it stands as one of the noblest monuments of the religion of Israel and as one of the noteworthy
1. Divine love, according to Deuteronomy, being the keynote of Yahweh* s relation to Israel and as its counter- part requiring the love of Israel for Yahweh, reminds us of Hosea (about 750-735 B.C., or 746-734 B *C • ) , the prophet of chesed (lovingkindness) .
2. Deuteronomy, 5. 12-15.
3. Deuteronomy, 16. 1-17.
39
attempts in history to regulate the life of a people by its highest religious principles . "1
It may "be clearly seen from what has preceded, that had it not been for Deuteronomy as the germinal source of Judaism and Ezekiel as the father of it, as will be observed later, Judah would have religiously sustained the fate of the Northern Kingdom with the fall of Jerusalem (586 B.C.).
Finally, as Henry preserved Smith says*
"It was of importance for the later development of religion that the earlier history of Israel was rewritten, or at least re-edited, under Deuterono- raic influence. "2
Its philosophy of history and style of writing has moulded very large sections of the Old Testament. The books of Judges and Kings in their present form are the product of Deuteronomic hands. Other portions of the Old Testament, too, bear Deuteronomic influence. Indeed, a regular Deuteronomic school of writers who viewed history and re- ligion from the Deuteronomic point of view soon formed it- self. To quote Henry preserved Smith again:
"The number of hands that must have been employed in the reconstruction of the history (of the Mon- archy and of the Judges) shows the extent of the in- fluence which Deuteronomy exerted in the exilic and post-exilic period. "3
1. Article (Deuteronomy) in Biblica
2. Smith, H« P«: Qp • cit., p. 194.
3. Ibid., p. 195.
40
And Cornill declares Deuteronomy to be the most influ-
1
ential book ever written.
The arrest of the Scythian invasion - the tre- mendous weakening of Assyria - following the death of Ashurbanipal (668-626 B.C.), culminating into its col- lapse fifteen years later, accompanied by a period of happiness, prosperity, and apparent expansion under y Josiah, were all factors that contributed to the suc- cessful operation of Deuteronomy for thirteen years after its introduction (621-608 B »0 • ) •
2. Jeremiah (626-586 B»0Q
Five years prior to the publication of Deu- teronomy, i.e., in the year 626 B»C«, the prophet of martyrdom - Jeremiah --whose ill fortune it has been to live through the most critical period in the life of Judah, began his ministry. Jeremiah is not only one of the pillars of the transition from the old Oriental (Assyria) epoch of civilization to the Indo- European one, but in many respects, as we shall presently see, he represents a vital element as one of the immediate forerunners of Judaism.
77hile he wa.s not one of the authors of Deuter-
Xf Saunders, Frank K«: History of the Hebrews, p. 181.
41
onomy, Jeremiali was at first undoubtedly (though a dif- ference of opinion prevails among scholars) an admirer and advocate of Deuteronomy. According to Canon Cheyne, Jeremiah II. 1-6 suggests that the prophet:
"Undertook an itinerating mission to the people of Judah, beginning with the capital, in order to set forth the main object of Deuteronomy, and to persuade men to live in accordance with its pre- cepts."1
Likewise, his estimate of Josiah as one who did justice
and righteousness and who "judged the cause of the poor 2
and needy" which may be reasonably inferred to apply to the period of Josiah1 s reign after the Deuteronomic reform manifests Jeremiah1 s early approval of Deuter- onomy •
As time went on, however, Jeremiah altered
his attitude toward Deuteronomy. Observing as he did
that the Deuteronomic reform had not completely uprooted
the religious evils and apostasy of Judah of his day,
which evils have been revived as an aftermath of the
tragic death of the pious king Josiah (at "legeddo, •
608 B«0»)> Jeremiah declares:
"How do ye say, 'We are wise amd the law of Jehovah is with us?' Eut, behold, the 3 false pen of the scribes had wrought falsely."
1. Qheyne, Canon: Jeremiah, His Life and Times, p. 56.
2. Jeremiah, 22. 16.
3. Jeremiah, 8. 8.
42
It must not "be construed, however, that the prophet was antagonistic to the prophetic teachings contained in Deuteronomy. The elements dealing with ritualism, externalism, and formalism were the ones he opposed. And with the growth of his conviction of the inwardness of religion he felt as his predecessors did before him that nothing but the will of Yahweh expressed through the oral divine revelation is to be recognized as the highest authority. The thing which had not occurred to the authors of Deuteronomy seems to have been con- ceived by him. He began to realize that though he has much in common with Deuteronomy, its authors have by its introduction as the law of the land instituted the be- ginning of the end of prophecy. Jeremiah thus scores the first reaction against canonization. Law in itself in his estimation does not change or reform the hearts of men. And as the moral and spiritual results he first anticipated with the publication of Deuteronomy have failed to materialize during his lifetime, his at- tude was justified.
This latter adverse attitude of Jeremiah to Deuteronomy must not be viewed as totally negative to Judaism. In fact, when considered in the light of the conditions and circumstances of the time, it was of benefit, temporarily at least, to the cause of Juda-
43
ism. The fulfilment of his prophecies had helped to gain for the prophetic voice the ear of the people at a most crucial and significant time. Before the Deu- teronomic teachings could be inculcated into the life of the people time was needed. In the meantime, conditions disastrous to Deuteronomy having set in (consequent upon the tragic death of Josiah) only thirteen years after its introduction followed twenty- two years later by the great catastrophe resulting in exile (586 B.C.). Such a fearless and daring voice as that of the prophet was exceedingly vital for the pre- servation of Yahweh»s religion. Until the establish- ment of the law, prophecy had to be maintained. Jeremiah* s position, then, served as a beneficial fore- runner of Judaism. It had facilitated in gaining for the "father of Judaism" - Ezekiel (592-570 B« C-) who ministered as prophet among the exiles the position of
"the most influential man that we find in the whole
1
course of Hebrew history" •
In his opposition to the current faith in the
n c>
inviolability of the temple (a conception gaining im- petus from a misunderstanding of Isaiahis doctrine of
1. Century Bible (Ezekiel), p. 4; Knudson, A«C: The Beacon Light of Prophecy, p. 206.
2. Jeremiah, 7. 4; 26. 6, 11.
44
inviolability of Jerusalem) at a time when he saw its
imminent and inevitable destruction, Jeremiah as well
as Ezekiel had helped to save the religion of Yahweh
from disappearnace.
"If no single prophet had foreseen this catastrophe (of 586 B.C.)," says Dr. Karl Budde, "but if all had prophesied salvation in Yahweh' s name, the Yahweh religion would perhaps have peris*hed without a trace. But Israel now recog- nized that the enemy had not conquered against' Yahweh' s will, but had only carried out His pur- pose. Yahweh was again not the vanquished, but the victor. He had punished His misled and dis- obedient people exactly as He had announced before- hand through His prophet Jeremiah. The road in a new salvation lay in new obedience."1
Judaisr.i thus found in Jeremiah one of the pillars upon
which it could rear itself anew.
19 . 2
His picture of restoration devoid of the
glory and splendor that of Ezekiel, for example, having been announced before the exile, was not as discouraging as it would have been had it come subsequent to the catastrophe. Indeed, the wretched conditions pre- vailing in Judah at the time of the return (538 B»C«) had found less disappointment in Jeremiah's simple promise of restoration than in the glittering promises of the other prophets.
1. Budde, Karl: Op. cit., p. 192.
2. Jeremiah, 32. 37-40 •
!
45
In a unique sense Jeremiah is at the peak of prophetic development in Israel* The earlier prophet emphasized the national aspect of religion. Jeremiah the prophet of the period of Judah's denationa.liza.tion, was the first to give religion a personal note ajnd to consider the soul of the individual as the true sea/t of religion, while addressing himself throughout his ministry to the nation as a whole. The point of transition from a religion conceived as national to that viewed as individual and personal is thus reached in Jeremiah. His contribution in this regard is pri- marily a result of his own personal experience. He is as Dr. Knudson calls him, the "prophet of personal piety". His conception of an immediate personal re- lationship between Tahweh and the individual lays down the foundation for the broader individualism of Ssekiel and the later universal ism of Deutero-Isaiah (about 540 B.C-). The doctrine of person?! responsibility and retribution found in Jeremiah, 31. 29-30 is of
equal importance to Judaism as that of Deuteronomy, 1
24. 16.
The devotional aspect of Judaism, too, finds
1. Cf« supra, p. 33, note !•
46
1
a prolific source in Jeremiah. In his "confessions", where the element of prayer (so vital in the synagogual worship of Judaism) and the problem of pain and suffer- ing are to be found for the first time in the Old Testa- ment, Jeremiah makes a profound contribution to Judaism. Justly does Dr. John Skinner say that:
"Jeremiah embodies the transition from the prophet to the psalmist," and that he "is 0 original above all in the exercise cf prayer 1^
His attitude toward sacrifice is that of his great pre- 3
decessors •
In connection with the quintessence of Jere- miah's conception of religion found in his new and ever-
4
lasting covenant between Yahweh and his people, it may be of interest to quote the Jewish Encyclopedia. It says :
"When Jeremiah spoke of 'the new covenant' which the Lord 'will make with the house of Israel and the house of Judah' (31.51) he immediately explained his words by saying ' I will put my law in their in- ward parts and write it in their hearts' (31.33 com- pare 53 .40) . "
After the first deporation into Babylon (597
B.C.), consisting mainly of the elite of Judah, Jeremiah
1. Jeremiah, 11. 18-83; 12. 1-6; 15. 10-21; 17. 9 f, 14-18; 18. 18-23; 20- 7-12 (20. 14-18).
2. Skinner, J»: prophecy and Religion, p. 227.
3. Jeremiah. 6.20; 7. 9-11; 21 f.
4. Jeremiah, 31. 31-34; 32. 40.
47
turned his attention to these exiles whom he (and later
1
Esekiel) considered as the "good figs", that is, the better element of Judah. They are to constitute pri- marily the nucleus for the restored Judah. In his 2
letter to these exiles he utters such counsel which has
3
a prominent echo in A^ot (Ethics of the Fathers).:
"And seek the peace of the city whither I have caused you to be carried away captive, and pray unto Jehovah for it, for in the peace thereof shall ye have peace."4
And while he attempts to instil in them a note of hope for a final return, he advises them to settle down for a considerable time (seventy years) as their exile will not be of such short duration as they expect. Fur- thermore, he says;
"And ye shall call upon me, and ye shall go and pray unto me, and I will hearken unto you. "5
Though away from Jerusalem, its temple and its institu- tions, Jeremiah points out to his co-religionists in exile that Jehovah is ready to hearken unto them even there on foreign soil. This note of assurance that
Yahweh is to be sought on foreign soil, coupled with
6
his Messianic messages, have no doubt contributed to-
1. Jeremiah, 24. 5.
2. Jeremiah, 29. 1 f.
3. Abot, 3. 2 ("?ray for the welfare of the govern- ment" - wherever the abode.)
4. Jeremiah, 29. 7.
5. Jeremiah, 29. 12.
6. Jeremiah, 23. 5-6; 30 • 9, 22; 33. 16.
48
ward the preservation of Israel's post-exilic faith - Judaism.
Clearly, Jeremiah who was upon his inaugura- tion commissioned "to oluck uo and to brealc down and
1*
to destroy and to overthrow" had also performed his
1
task of "to build and to plant". His character as well as his teaching nay well serve as a guide and in- spiration, for he possessed a lofty soul, a tender, sympathetic, and deeply emotional nature and great he- roism. When put to the test by having been given the choice to go to Babylon (586 B«C») or to remain in Ju- dah, he elevated himself above all personal gain and preferred the most difficult task of remaining close to Jerusalem.
As a pioneer in the realm of personal re- ligion (whioh he arrived at from his own personal ex- perience) in the domain of the problem of pain and suffering and in the province of the psychology of prophetic consciousness, as well as in the other as- pects alluded to above, Jeremiah stands as a vital factor among the immediate forerunners of Judaism.
1. Jeremiah, 1.10.
49
3. Exile
(Assyrian and Babylonian)
Strictly speaking, the last fundamental factor serving as one of the immediate forerunners of Judaism is the Babylonian exile. But as its significance to Judaism becomes more striking when considered in connec- tion with the Assyrian exile, the two will now be dis- cussed together.
Exile or Captivity of Israel of the northern Kingdom (722 B«C») constituted, as we have seen, its death blow racially and religiously, as well as na- tionally and politically. Whether the ten tribes were 1
actually "lost" or not, their national entity has ul-
2
timately disappeared. Similarly, the 200,150 Judaeans whom Sennacherib took captive to Assyria, presumably, in his campaign of 701 B «C • have left no trace of themselves
1. Dr. George A* Barton in: Archaeology and the Bible, p. 428, maintains that those deported were but a frac- tion of the population which remained and merged with the new settlers and became the progenitors of the Samaritans. And he concludes, "The 'ten lost tribes' were not 'lost', as is often popularly supposed to have been the case.
2. Josephus (Ant., XI, 5.2) asserts that in his day the ten "lost" tribes dwelt in large multitudes some- where beyond the Euphrates. Rabbinical tradition and legend also assign similar location. But history bears no witness of their present distinct existence. AS Vfellhausen and others claim, they have lost their identity and disappeared in the surrounding populations.
50
as a national or religious unity. Assyrian exile, quite clearly, had been fatal to its victims.
Such was not the case, however, with the Babylonian exile. Large as the number of JudaeaJis whom Sennacherib carried off in 701 B -C • was, the vi- tal moral and intellectual force of Judah, centered in Jerusalem, remained. Our contrast, then, must be focused mainly on the exile of Israel on the one hand, and that of Judah on the other, rather than of the As- syrian exile and the Babylonian captivity.
1
The century and a quarter of prolonged na- tional life on its own soil over that of its sister king- dom, Israel, has been of paramount importance for the future preservation of the Judaeans, and consequently for that of Judaism.' Unlike Israel, who while po- litically and materially was of greater import than its southern neighbor had been under the rule of va- rious dynasties with a rapid succession of kings be- fore its downfall, Judah continued under the rule of the same original D^vidic dynasty. Obviously, the feeling of self-consciousness and self-pride and na- tional solidarity was more deeply inrooted into the hearts and minds of the Judaeans. Additional reli-
1. From the fall of Samaria (722 B.C«) to the year of the first deportation (597 B.C.).
51
gious literature had, by virtue of this extra time, an opportunity to be formed. Moreover, the teachings of the former great prophets, fortified by those following them after the fall of Samaria as well as that of Deu- teronomy, have had additional time to become incorporated into the national consciousness of Judah before its fall. Religious teachers too became better equipped in the meantime •
Estranged on the one hand from Jerusalem and its temple by the constant policy of their kings, since the division of the united kingdom (933 B «C • ) , and on the other hand, supplanted seemingly with Samaria which had virtually never occupied the position of esteem in the hearts and minds of the masses as Jerusalem did, the Israelites, t^=isa=?*e:£pt^*- thus deprived of their Mecca or Rome were more susceptible to assimilation in exile. With the Judaeans, in the meantime, Jerusalem and the temple through the importance assigned to them by Isaiah, its survival in 701 B.C., and later by Deuteronomy, were becoming more and more objects of a hopeful future. And while their deportation did not taJke place all at once - a fact which in the case of Judah was beneficial to its preservation - the first captives of Israel into Assyria came from a scattered region* east as well as west of the Jordan. Furthermore, the Assyrian policy
inaugurated by Tiglath-pileser III (754-727 B.C.) of re- placing the wealthy and influential members of one con- quered nation by those of another and scattering its captives was detrimental to those remaining in Samaria as well as to those taken into captivity. Such were
the varying fundamental circumstances of exile of Israel
1
as compared with those of Judah. Israel then having primarily a Canaanitish cult for its religious and spiritual content, upon severance from Canaan had na- turally become an easy prey to influences tending to- wards its national extinction.
Cur preceding preliminary discussion leads us now to the consideration of the Babylonian exile as an immediate forerunner of Judaism. In this connection we begin, of course, with the first deportation in 597 B.C. The captives of this deportation, about ten thousand in number, consisted - as has alrea.dy been intimated - of the flower of Judah j among them Ezekiel. In their new home they were, fortunately, settled in
1. Inherent characteristics of the people of the one kingdom as compared with those of the other may have also played some part.
2. The accounts relative to the number of the exiles are conflicting. In Jeremiah, 52. 28-30, the number stated is 3,023 (only men or heads of families most likely). In II Kings, 24. 14 the number stated is 10,000, while in verse 16 the number given is 8,000*
53
agricultural communities as free colonists. This
privilege of settling in colonies according to their
families and clans all of which have come from the one
and same territory had a vital bearing on their destiny.
It kept alive the national spirit and individuality,
which would ha,ve disappeared in the midst of a heathenish
environment were they dispersed into small units. The
same framework they were accustomed to in Judah. they
transplanted in large measure to Babylon. Since they
were allowed to administer their internal affairs through
their "elders", they were afforded undisturbed exercise
of their religion. Their material conditions, also,
were favorable. They were in a position, it seems, to
1
build houses, to plant gardens, to till the soil, to en- joy the compensation of their labors as artificers and gradually as merchants. Communication with each other and with their brethren in Judah went on undisturbed. And as lon0 as the temple stood they viewed it as the centre and pledge of their hopes and aspirations. Their mental vision was fixed upon it as a beacon of early deliverance. This hope of early return may have contributed to their cohesion. All these conditions
1. Jeremiah, 29. 5.
54
f a.cilitated adaptation to their new circumstances. Consequently, by preceding the exiles of the final catastrophe (586 B»C«) by eleven years, they were able to brow habituated to their anomalous religious posi- tion before temple and state were finally destroyed. While unwilling to listen for the time being to the counsel of the more thoughtful they unconsciously pre- pared a favorable ground for the subsequent captives. As these early exiles constituted the vital element of Judah's intelligence and moral culture, they may be rightly considered as the kernel of the nation.
""one remained, save the poorest sort of the people of the land."1
As among this elite element there were dis- ciples of the prophets, priests, Levites, psalmists, and singers as well a„s royalty princes, nobles soldiers and artisans, it is reasonable to believe that they al ready took with them into exile the religious literatur of Judah (J, E, Deuteronomy, the prophetic writings, some psalms and proverbs). Out of the pages of these writings the more thoughtful began to learn their mis- sion of leading and teaching a holy life. To them exile did not constitute a decree to go and serve
1. II Kings, 24. 14.
55
foreign gods. On the contrary, they must have viewed it as the beginning of the fulfilment of the words of the prophets as the beginning of the process of purging, purification and rebirth by means of exile.
Foremost among this more thoughtful element of the captives of 597 B.C. was Ezekiel (592-570 B.C.) of the Jerusalem priestly aristocracy of the Zadokite family which remained faithful to Yahweh and the law. At the very outset of his prophetic ministry, if not immediately upon his arrival with his fellow captives to Babylon, he began the work- of cultivating the soil prepared by Deuteronomy. Most of the preparation work for the construction and laying of the foundation for Judaism belongs to this period previous to the fall of Jerusalem (586 B*0»)° The grandiose and symbolic visions he depicted, the lofty ideas and ideals he sponsored and fearlessly and most energetically upheld, the shortcoming and evil of his people he denounced and derided, the keen insight and religious statesmanship he displayed, the pioneering work he inaugurated and whole heartedly engaged himself in, the counsel and guidance he wisely afforded, and the potential disap- pointments of his fellow captives - all these he eliminated through the fulfilment of his prophetic predictions and were of most paramount importance to
56
the foundation of Judaism he later laid. As a full dis- cussion of Ezekiel's work as the father of Judaism is given in chapter IX, "The Founder and Perpetuator of Judaism", our preceding brief note will suffice here.
The fall of Jerusalem in 586 B.C. had naturally "brought a feeling of great stupor among the survivors in Judah as well a.s among the captives of the first deporta- tion (597 B«0*)j and the new exiles arriving in Babylon- Had this unprecedented shock occurred a century earlier it would have dealt the fatal blow to the religion of Yahweh. It would have sealed their career as a people, as was the case with their brethren of the ITorthern King- dom (722 B»C.) and those deported by Sennacherib (701 B.C.). But coming as it did at a time when the Judaepus had in the course of the century been able to inbue to some extent at lea,st the germs of their religious preservation, coupled above all with the fortune of having in their midst at this most critical stage the man of the hour - Ezekiel - the fall of Jerusalem was the great turning- point in the history and religion of Israel. It buried in its ruins Israel it ism - the religion of Israel in Canaan - and made possible the erection of the religion of the Jews the world over: Judaism.
In the first place, the fall of Jerusalem constituting as it did the fulfilment of Ezekiel 's prophecy (also Jeremiah's and others before them) had
57
gained for him that commanding position which was so es- sential for the effective execution of his untiring and invaluable efforts towards their national and religious preservation* His word would now receive a much larger circle of willing listeners. He need no more direct his stern words of denunciation and reproach, condemnation and doom, unto Judah. The predicted punishment had come. The process of purification and rebirth must be- gin. A perpetual foundation must be laid. All his energies may be concentrated now after the great national catastrophe, to his fellow captives. Obviously, his scope of influence has extended, his former preparatory work may now enter the realm of completion with effec- tiveness .
As for the captives, they were now free from their life of constant anxiety as to the pending fate of their city and temple. T.o more must mere hope for an immediate return constitute their fundamental bond of co- hesion. The catastrophe had shattered this hope and opened the door for a religious and cultural bond of unity to replace the former political one. Their former expenditure of energy and effort on matters of city and state may now receive a new and different out- let. The destruction of Jerusalem and the temple was the signal for the establishment of a. more stable and
58
normal state of life in their new abode and to utilize
the mild treatment of Babylon to their best advantage.
Especially has this need become apparent to them when
the last spark of hope for an immediate return was gone
1
when Gedaliah was assassinated. The individual, too, loomed into a position of importance.
The fall of Jerusalem also sounded the death knell of the Canaanitish cult and their attending bane- ful traditions. And to those who were faithful to the
religion of Yahweh it was an ins trument for warning
adoption of the
their less devout coreligionists against tne^practices of the Babylonians among whom they lived. With an able guide as Ezekiel, assisted by the disciples of the prophets and a good religious literature, many, if not most, of the Babylonian captives would interpret their fearful catastrophe as the very work of Yahweh, as the chastisement of national infidelity and sin, and not as an indication of Yahv/eh's weakness to protest His own.
1. If the third deportation referred to in Jeremiah, 52. 30 was the aftermath, as it seems from the refer- ence of Gedaliah' s death, his assassination must have taken place in 581 B.C. Jeremiah, 41. 2 ajid II Kinrs, 25. 5 do not indicate any date. The context leads to the implication that it took place in the same year of the fall of Jerusalem (586 B»C.)» Dr. A» B« Davidson and others maintain that Gedaliah' s death must have oc- curred in 586 B.C*
59
How that Yaliweh's purpose had been accomplished by means of the predicted exile, a new era was to come« A period of transition, however, had to intervene.
60
CHAPTER IV
THE TRAITS I TI ON
The fall of Jerusalem followed by the assas- sination of Gedaliah found the Judaeans located in Babylonia, Egypt, and Judah. Those who remained; in Judah, especially after the third deportation (581 B.C.), consequent upon Gedaliah' s death, were a.s Dr. George Adam Smith says those
"... from whom every man of substance and energy had been sifted; mere groups of peasants, without a leader and without a center; disorgan- ized and depressed; bitten by hunger and compassed by enemies; uneducated and an easy prey to the heathenism by which they were surrounded. ... They were a negligible quantity in the religious future of Israel : without initiative or any in- fluence except that of dead weight upon the ef- forts of the rebuilders of the nation, when these at last returned from Babylonia."!
The Judaeans who fled to Egypt and formed a considerable
settlement there especially in the frontier towns of
Migdol Taphanphes, Memphis and pa.thros and later on
the island of Elephantine were superior intellectually
to those who remained in Judah. Their environment, too,
3
was more fa/vorable. But the vital creative and produc-
1. The International Standard Bible Encyclopaedia, vol. I, p. 574.
2. Jeremiah, 44. 1.
3. Elephantine papyri .
61
1
tive element of Judah was to be found in Babylon. There, equipped with proper leadership and religious literary material, they shaped the course of the future of their people. Hence, in our discussion of "The Transition" we must focus our attention upon the Judaeans in Babylon.
1. Political Downfall and Spiritual Triumph
As we have already observed, the destruction of Jerusrlem in 586 B «C • had dealth the most decisive and most complete political blow unto Judah. The hopes and aspirations for a prompt national and political reinstate- ment of the captives of the first deportation (59 7 B-C«) as well as the belief of those at home of political inde- pendence by a perpetual deliverance fro..: the hands of the dominant power - Babylon - were now utterly shattered. True, the reigning king of the Davidic stock ( Jehoiachim) , the most distinguished men of Judah, and the most valu- able treasures of the temple and the palace were carried
1. Later, especially after 70 A«D«, their descend- ants considered themselves of purer racial extraction than their Palestinian brethren and consequently viewed their differing traditions and customs as of higher authority than those of the home country .
62
off to Babylon in 597 B «C • Yet, while Jerusalem, the temple, and the dynasty remained intact (Zedekiah, a son of Jo si ah was an uncle of Jehoiachim) Judah 's na- tional and political life WaJB still pulsating on its own soil. But now the most tragic political climax had been reached. Not only have their most highly cherished city Jerusalem which they conceived to be in- violable and their country Judah capitulated but their very pride and glory, their Symbol of political unity as well as their supreme center of worship - the temple - was rifled of all its treasures and ra.zed to the ground. Their long established, beloved and respected dynasty was now decisively broken. Zedekiah, their king, was not only captured, but after slaying his sons in his presence, his eyes were cruelly put out and he was bound in fetters and thus brought to Babylon. The nobles of Judah who were not deported in 597 B.C., the chief priest and his assistant as well as other distinguished men were slain. The royal palace and all the dwellings in Jeru- salem were burnt. And of the survivors only "the poor-
1
est of the land to be vinedressers and husbandmen * were left. The residue were with less regard and mild treatment than the earlier exiles, taken into captivity.
1. II Kings, 25. 12.
63
Neither temple, city, king, nor palace was spared this time* 3tate and monarchy were no more. Their national independence has become extinct. Their political life has ceased* It seemed for a time as though they were left as a people without a country, deprived of prac- tically all external instrumentalities for national sur- vival* Political downfall, physical captivity ha.d over- taken them.
Spiritually, intellectually, and religiously,
however, Israel had emerged triumphant from the fearful
political national catastrophe it had sustained. This
period of transition in exile on Babylonian soil had
proven to be the most vital and significant period for
the future preservation of Israel. It is a period of
great mental and spiritual productivity.
"The Captivity of Judah," says professor F • J. Foakes- Jack son, "is one of the greatest events in the history of religion, and one of the most extra- ordinary in that of mankind."1
The forty-eight years (586-538 B.C.) in exile were not only years of reflection and retrospection, but also years of great mental, spiritual, and literary produc- tivity.
Unfortunately, direct historical information
1« Foakes-Jackson, F« J.: The Biblical History of the Hebrews to the Christian Era, p. 316.
64
for this momentous period is meagre. But while our historical sources are inadequate the volume of literary production for this period affords us an insight into the life and spirit of these eventful years.
In the absence of stirring political events, state and national affairs and the Oanaanitieh cult to engage their attention, coupled with the spirit of medi- tation and reflection that captivity or "imprisonment" creates upon intelligent victims under conditions where their talents have free scope, the Judaeans were in a position to turn to intellectual pursuits. They were
undoubtedly quickened intellectually by their new sur- 1
roundings . The need that the more thoughtful and faithful of the Judaeans felt for the preservation of the entity of their people prompted them to resort to writing as a means of extending their sphere of influ- ence as well as of those of their predecessors whose memories they so highly cherished. With a consider- able number the sense of patriotism, too, urged them on unto literary a.ctivity not only as mere codifica- tion, recompilation, and exposition of ancestral
1. In this connection we may mention the fact that writing was more commonly employed in Babylon r.t that time than anywhere else in the ancient world.
65
literature but also as a means of projecting their own
thoughts of hope and aspiration into the future. The
naturally literary talented and gifted were also now
more than at any time before afforded the opportunity
and stimulus to make their contributions.
"Thus it was," as Dr. Charles Foster Kent re- marks, "that their condition, their needs, their patriotism and their environment all conspired to make the Jews in the exile a literary people."
During the early part of the Babylonian exile, which was obviously the most critical and most funda- mental one of the captivity, the predominant literary production comes from the pen of Ezekiel. This lit- erary activity of the father of Judaism which since the destruction of Jerusalem covers a period of sixteen
years (586-570 B.C.) is found in Ezekiel, chapters 25 1
to 48 . In these chapters (53 to 43 in particular) as we shall see in Chapter IX, "The Founder and Per- petuator of Judaism", he had deposited the great monu- ment of his creative and constructive activity - the foundation upon which Judaism had been later estab- lished. The plant whose seeds he and*Deuteronomy had formerly (592-586 B «C • ) sown he nurtured during
1. Ezekiel, 25-32 re- foreign nations; 53-39 proph- ecies of restoration; and 40-48 the constitution of the restored community.
66
this period and had grafted into it all the fundamental life perpetuating elements.
The other literary productions of this early period of the exile (down to 570 B»C») are passages pre- dicting Egypt's conquest "by Babylon and the messages of rebuke by the aged prophet of personal religion - Jere- miah - to the refugees in Egypt, among whom he soent 1
his last days. Then we have the historical fragment 2
of RD2. Also Obadiah (especially verses 10-14) ac-
3
cording to a number of scholars belongs to this period.
During the last thirty-two years of the Babylonian exile the literary productions are con- siderable. The more important works are noted below:
To begin with chronologically we have the book of La-mentations (580-550 B«C»)» a poetical work which furnishes the best example of the Hebrew elegiac or "quinah" metre. The first four of its five chap- ters are a.crostic in structure. This book depicts
vividly the oathetic condition of the Judaeans during 4
the siege. It is instructive to observe at this
1. Jeremiah, 43. 8-13, and 44. l-4c respectively.
2. II Kings, 25. 22-26 which is a shortened a,ccount of events related in Jeremiah, 4c. 7-43.
3. Judging from recent criticism, 460 B »C • (about) would be a more probable date for Obadiah.
4. The reading of this book in the quinah tone con- stitutes one of the main features of the 9th of Ab service at the synagogue*
67
point the "quinah" rythm found in several chapters of 1
Ezekiel •
Another poetic production is the Song of
(3
Moses (about 560 B.C»)'
And while referring to the poetic works we may state that the Levites, psalmists and singers who took with them into exile those psalms already in ex- istence were during the period of the exile increasing them by inspiring and doleful strains of their own. Thus while final compilation of the psalter took place about 250-140 B »C • (?), some psalms undoubtedly had their origin in this period. According to LlcCurdy,
"... no period of Israel's history was more likely to give rise $o such poems of the heart than was the Exile*"0
Many of the psalms, especially those composed during the exile, bear evidence of Ezekiel' s influence as those of an eschatalogical nature, those expressing that transcendental conception of Yahweh so prominent in Ezekiel and those where the element of personal re- sponsibility said pastoral care and guidance are mani- fest.
1. Ezekiel, 19. 1-9; 26. 17-18; 27. 32-53; 28. 11-19.
2. Deuteronomy, 32. 1-43.
3. Creelman, Harlan: An Introduction to the Old Testanent, p. 184.. Pages 194, 196, and 197 give varying lists of the psalms for the period of the exile.
68
As a legal codification (in addition to Ezekiel, chapters 4-0 to 48) we have the Law or Code of Holiness (560-550 B-C-)* Its central thought is the same as that of Ezekiel. It lays great stress upon the holiness of God and emphasizes both the moral or ethical as well as the ceremonial ordinances, its
regulations contain the famous injunction: "Thou Shalt
2
love thy neighbor as thyself." It marks a further step in the development of legal ism - the fundamental aspect of Judaism. In passing we may note that the Code of Holiness is so akin to that of Ezekiel that
"some scholars have been led to consider Ezekiel the
o
compiler of H»"
The redaction of the historical books, mainly Judges and Kings, by the Deuteronomic school whJLch gave them its moral and religious coloring as well as the combination of J, E, and D took place about 550 B»C» Additions to the original book of Deuteronomy were also made during the exile.
"probably the Priestly Code (P), " says Dr. Harlan Creelman, "was compiled in part at least during
1. Leviticus, 17-26.
2. Leviticus, 19. 18.
3. creelman, Harlan: 0p» cit., p. 187.
4. The exile is presupposed in Deuteronomy, 4. 27-31; 29. 28; and 30. 1-3. Creelman, Harlan: 0>p* cit., p. 195.
69
the Exile, though not promulgated till post-exilic times . "1
Heedless to say that Ezekiel's marked priestly propensity * had profoundly influenced the authors of P Code. Indeed, his code bridges the gap between Deuteronomy and the p code a>id in many respects these two codes are akin to each other.
Job, according to some scholars, including Dr. Robert H* Pfeiffer, belongs to the period of the exile. It deals with the problem of the suffering of the right- eous or the doctrine of retribution.
Before the close of the exile (about 540 B «0 • )
we have the contribution of one of the greatest of the
prophets, the prophet of "Israel's universal mission",
3
Deutero-lsaiah. In regard to this prophet, it may be
well to quote Professor Cornill, who says :
"This second or Deutero-lsa,iah must be accounted the most brilliant jewel of prophetic literature. In him are gathered together as in a focus all the great and noble meditations of the prophecy which preceded him, and he reflects them with the most gorgeous refraction and with the most beauteous play of light and color."4
He is the first explicit prophet of absolute monotheism which has won for him the designation of the "prophet
1. Creelman, Harlan: Cp. cit., p. 195.
2. Ibid., p. 237. On p . 240, however, Dr. George Foot Moore and others assign it to the fifth or fourth century B «0 •
3. Isaiah, 40-55.
4. Eiselen, F • C • : The Prophetic Books of the Old Testament, vol. I, p. 234.
70
of universal ism" . Old Testament prophecy reaches an ideal climax in his messages which are unsurpassed in breadth, insight and f orcefulness . In his "suffering servant" he personifies the suffering of the ideal Is- rael •
Deutero-isaiah, too, was profoundly influenced by Ezekiel, though the two are very different mentally. We need only mention at this point the spirit of restora- tion which Ezekiel through his vivid and symbolic mes- 1
sages must have created, his emphasis on the transcend- ence of Yahweh and on individual responsibility, the im- plications of which latter two conceptions ha.d through Deutero-isaiah developed into universal ism.
In addition to the above, there are other an- onymous writings of minor significance.
The fundamental aspects of the literary works
o
of the ceriod are the legalistic and oriestly, oro-
3 4 * 5
phetic, apocalyptic, and devotional.
1* Ezekiel, 36. 37; and 39. 25 f.
2. Ezekiel, 40-48 (572 B.C.): Law of Holiness, Leviticus, 17-26 (56C-55C B.C«); and probably parts of the P Code.
3. Jeremiah, 43. 8-13; 44. 1-40 (536-587 B.C.); Ezekiel, 25-43 { 536-570 B »C •) ; Deutero-isaiah, Isaiah, 40-55 (about 540 B »C • ) •
4. Ezekiel, 38-39 (585-572 B.C.).
5. Some psalms about which number and identity a va- riety of opinion exists.
71
Clearly, these varied and manifold literary productions of the exile are a perpetual monument of Israel's spiritual triumph in the face of political downfall •
2 . Reformation and Reorganization
The exilic age of mental and spiritual pro- ductivity did not come without conscious effort and stimulation from within, as well as from environmental in- fluences from without. Some sort of reformation and reorganization for communal preservation as a transi- tion or prelude to the Return or Restoration was neces- sary. Fortunately, the inspirers and leaders were not lacking, a.s we have already noted. The initial sub- stantial and fundamental task of this enormous work was most admirably performed by Ezekiel. As we shall see in our closing chapters, he was not only the priest- prophet, but the pastor, preacher, organizer, consoler, reformer and legislator of his fellow captives for the first sixteen years of the forty-eight year period of transition. He saw that in the absence of a worldly foundation for his people, it became necessary to build upon a spiritual one in order to preserve their entity.
This double process of reformation and reor- ganization was naturally not free from perils and dif-
72
1
ficulties. Uany nations antagonistic to the best in- terests of their faith v;ere cherished by numerous exiles.
Various evils that flourished in the parent state were
2
transplanted into their Babylonian colonies. Some have felt that Yahv:eh had forsaken His land and probably His people. Others must have found it difficult to recuper- ate from the shock of not having realized their hopes. And their very freedom, their very civil and religious liberty, their very social and material independence which they enjoyed in Babylon had exposed them the more to the life, cult, and civilization of the Babylonians among whom they were now in constant intimate contact. The temptation to throw themselves into the life of Babylon and forget their race and religion was indeed great. All these obstacles and difficulties Ezekiel, assisted by the meek and loyal and the literature at their command, succeeded in overcoming.
Under his guidance, teaching, inspiration, and activity the process of transformation of the people into a congregation and the nation into a re- ligious fraternity was inaugurated and well founded. The purity of the family was insisted upon. The
1. Ezekiel, 18. 2; 37. 11.
2. Ezekiel, 14. 3-7; 20. 30-32; Isaiah, 42. 17 f.
73
former family organization was maintained. Their elders were their civil representatives. The institution of the scribes or scholars, expounders, and teachers of the law came into being and became more and more important. A feeling of ridicule was fostered by this nobler element towards heathenism and idolatry. An inner circle of their own was formed. And gradually they cultivated a spirit of exclusiveness . Purification and moralization of life and worship as v/ell as growing consciousness of the power and majesty of Yahweli were the essence of the reformation.
The process of reorganization in their new sur- roundings which went on simultaneously and in combination with their reformation was based upon the foundation of religion. Being without a country, without a ritual sys- tem, without any material basis for their life as a people, their leaders and thinkers had with greater fervor than ever thrown themselves upon the law as the steady and con- tinuous regulative principle of the people.
This gradual transformation brought to the fore certain religious institutions. The Sabbath and circum- cision acquired supreme importance as characteristic Jewish practices and ultimately became among the most powerful motives in Judaism*
1. Circumcision became a distinct rite of the Isra-
( Footnote continued on following page)
74
Meetings on the Sabbath, during which it may
have been customary to read selections from the prophetic
writings (especially those pertaining to restoration)
took place. Gatherings at the tims of the old seasonal
1
feasts and fast days 7/ere also held to confirm one an- other in fidelity to their religion in the midst of heathenism and encourage tnemselves in the hope of res- toration. Thus while the exact origin of the synagogue
is unknown, its antecedents may be reasonably considered
2
as of the period of the exile. The house of worship then began to replace the temple, and prayer and instruc- tion took the place of sacrifice. The nation was thus transformed into a church during this exilic period of transition; and Judaism through the instrumentality of Ezekiel came into being.
(Footnote continued from preceding page) ealites only upon coming to Babylon. In Canaan circum- cision was a rite common not only to Israel, but to aJ.1 Semites. The Sabbath was originally a Babylonia^nsti- tution.
1. Zechariah, 7. 5; Isaiah, 58.
2. In psalm 74, verse S, which psalm Kirkpatrick and Brigs (Cf« Creelman, Harlan: Op. cit., p. 197) consider to belong to the period of the exile, there is a ref- erence to the "synagogue of God".
75
CHAPTER V THE ITEW COMMUNITY
The conquest of Babylon by Cyrus, King of
Persia., in 538 B»C« ushered in a new era in the annals
of Israel as well as in those of other people who came
under his rule. Historically it marked the close of
the Babylonian captivity and the beginning of Israel
under Persian rule for the next two centuries (538- 1
333 B «C • ) • V/ithin a year after the "deliverance" from the hands of Babylon and consequent upon the proclamation of the edict or declaration of the tolerant and prudent Cyrus, 42,360 of the exiles are purported to have returned to Judah under the leader-
It The main source for this period is the book of Ezra and llehemia which as a whole are the product of the Chronicler who did not write the accounts therein till about two centuries later and with little his- torical precision and accuracy. First Esdras of the apocryphal books, scholars claim to be of greater historical value. The books of Haggai (520 B.C.), Zechariah, chapters 1 to 8 (520-518 B*C«) and later the books of Malachi (460 B.C.), Obadiah (460 B.C.), Trito-lsaiah-lsaiah, chapters 56 to 66 (460-445 E .C • ) , Isaiah, chapters 34 to 35 (450-400 B.C. and may be earlier or later), psalms, 3-41 (compiled at the time of Ezra and Nehemia) , psalms, 42-83 (430-330 B.C.), Isaiah, chapters 24 to 27 (340-312 B.C) also throw some light on the Persian period (538-333 B.C.) to which they belong. Some scholars as cited in Dr. Harlan Creelman's book, An Introduction to the Old Testament, p. 240, assign the book of Job to this period.
76
1
ship of Sheshbazzar ( Zerubbabel ?) and Jeshua. The stability and comfort of the exiles in Babylon coupled with the inability of the devastated homeland to accom- modate a sudden mass influx had resulted In a return of a minority. Those remaining, however , have, as is
1. II Chronicles, 36. 22 f; Ezra, 1. 1 f, 6. of. Some scholars cited in: A Dictionary of the Bible, vol. 4, p. 979 (Zerubbabel) maintain "that the real Return was not till that headed by Ezra at Nehemiah's second visit (432)." Haggai's and Zechariah's si- lence as to the returned exiles mentioned by the Chronicler are anong the arguments advanced. Pro- fessor W. H» Kosters goes into the extreme of assert- ing that no exiles returned under Cyrus, and that the temple was built by those who remained in Judah after Gedaliah's assassination (Dictionary of the Bible, vol. 4, p. 979). To my mind, the policy of per- mitting the nations who have come under his rule to re-establish themselves on their native soil inaugu- rated by Cyrus would itself move some of the exiles at least (the loyal, zenlous, and the less financial- ly tied to Babylon) to return. A par nil el instance is the Balfour Declaration of November 2, 1917, which ensued in the immediate establishment of Jewish set- tlements in Palestine not only by the suffering Euro- pean Jews but even by the more favorably and com- fortably situated Jews of Amer ica. American Jewish settlements in Palestine as Herzlia, Balforia, Affula and others are illustrative (though they are rela- tively small and few in number) .
The return under Cyrus, small a.s it may have been, ha.d inaugurated at least the general movement of re- turn from the exile. At all events, the eoming of
v Ezra and Nehemiah (or yehemiah amid Ezra.) consummated the actual return of the exiles. Up to that time the
^ student of Jewish history must focus his attention upon Babylon. (Some scholars identify Zerubbabel with Sheshbazzar. ethers identify 8heshba,zzar with Shenazzar, referred to in I Chronicles, 3. IS, a son of Jehoiachin and uncle of Zerubbabel. Dictionary of the Bible, vol. 4, p. 493, Shesnbazzar . )
77
the case with our present day rehabilitation of Zion, furnished supplies and the necessary funds. While the glowing ajid glorious restoration pictured by the prophets did not materialize, we must bear in mind that the most patriotic and religious who answered the call of Cyrus were animated by the words of the prophets end moved by a desire to establish a the- ocracy with the "house of Jehovah" as its heart ajid centre in fundamental accordance with Ezekiel's plan*
1 . Foundation and Structure
It was a pioneering task that confronted the exiles upon their arrival in their homeland. The conditions they found in Judah were depressing. Their Palestinian brethren who were of the least intellectual and creative element of the nation have, in the absence of guidance and leadership and in the midst of hardships privation and enemies, become less enterprising and more estranged from the noble and lofty ideals of their people* Jerusalem, the city of their former pride and glory was little more than waste. The country had largely been overrun by incomers from various quarters. The ravages of Nebuchadnezzar's armies had been followed by the still greater ravages of time. Neglect too had impoverished Judah' s soil.
78
In spite, therefore, of the threat hope by which they were inspired and the zeal with which they were imbued in Babylon, the prospects of a comfortable existence for these patriotic returning exiles were manifestly remote. Everything was to do: homes, temple, city, walls - all had to be built. Means of subsistence too had to be created. It was indeed real pioneering work they had to perform all along the line from the very outset. Practically an entirely new community had to be shaped and formed on their native soil.
Fortunately, the Persian liberal and sym- pathetic policy, the coordination and unity of govern- ment it introduced in its territories and, moreover, the Persian peace (as in Roman days the pax Romana) had enabled the new community to develop. But it was a slow and gradual process.
Autonomy in internal affairs was enjoyed by
the new community. In the absence of the old S3/-stem
of royal administra.tion, the primitive organization by
clans and families , partly resumed in captivity, now
gained added vigor. The heads of these sections were
the "orinces" and "elders". And at the head of the en-
1
tire community stood Zerubbabel, a grandson of Jehoi-
1. Zerubbabel' s activity in Judah during the reign (Footnote continued on following page)
79
achin (according to the Chronicler) and Jeshua, the chief priest who beca.me known after 53c B »C • as the high priest. It is with the latter that the exalted posi- tion assigned to the priesthood by Ezekiel soon began* It is of interest to note in passing that in the list of these returned exiles, drawn not very long after the re-settlement in Judah we find for the first
time in an Old Testanent historical document the dis-
1
tinction made between priest and Levite. Furthermore, in contrast to the number 4289 priests there were only 74 Levites (the singers, porters, and Tethinim are
listed as separate classes) who returned. Obviously,
3
the line drawn and emphasized by Ezekiel as between priests and Levites had established the precedent and made it less attractive' for the Levites to return.
As was to be expected, one of the first meas- ures of the returned exiles was the rebuilding of the altar under the direction of the high, priest jeshua and
(Footnote continued from preceding page) of Cyrus is uncertain. If he is not the Sheshbazzar mentioned in Ezra, 1« 8, Judah must have been governed during the reign of Cyrus by Sheshbazzar. &t all events, Zerubbabel was governor of Judah in the second year of Darius (520-519 B-C-) • See Haggai, 1. 1, 14; 2. 2.
1. Ezra, 2. 38 f ; Nehemiah, 7. 39 f. In Deuteronomy the terms priest and Levite are used interchangeably.
2. The number, of course, may be an exaggerated one. But even then the contrast is very striking.
3. Ezekiel, 44. 10 f, 15 f.
80
1
the resumption of the daily sacrifices. In the second, year of the return they laid the corner-stone of the second temple. At this stage, however, they encoun- tered an obstacle in the jealousy of the Samaritans, their half-heathen neighbors on the north. These Samaritans, of whom we shall hear again later, con- sisted of the new population that arose from the as- similation of the Israelites, still remnant after the deportation of the ten tribes with the new settlers brought in by the Assyrians. They accordingly asked to be allowed to participate in the construction of the temple. Serubbabel, however, declines their aid by re- ferring to the decree of Cyrus. Here again the prin- ciple exclusiveness and separation from all contaminat- ing influences rigidly insisted upon by the "father of Judaism", Ezekiel, was now inaugurated on Palestinian soil. As a result of Zerubbabel's refusal the Samari- tans launched upon an antagonistic course and through in- trigues at the Persian court they effected suspension of the work of the temple. The zeal of the people then sub
1. Ezra, 3. 1 f.
2. Ezra, 3. 8-12 (By the Chronicler). In Haggai, 2. 15, 18; Zechariah, 8. 9; and Ezra, 5. 2, 1G, the lay- ing of the foundation of the temple appears to have taken place in 520 B»C» Probably there may have been a purely formal foundation laid, as asserted in Ezra, 3. 3-13, which foundation Haggai and ' Zechariah could entirely ignore.
ei
sided.
For sixteen years this state of passivity and inactivity persisted owing to various reasons. In ad- dition to the active hostility of the Samaritans, the new eonfiminity-wafl unfortunate in having to endure the sufferings caused by the vast hordes of the Persian army upon their invasion of Egypt under cambyses in 5$7 B *C • This trying state was coupled by a succession of bad seasons entailing the failure of the harvest and the vintage. Then indulgence in luxury and self-seeking
by the wealthier classes of Jerusalem made its ap-oear- 1
ance. Such was the foundation and structure of the struggling new community during the early years of the return .
2. Religious Life and node
As has been intimated, the religious life of the poor Judaean peasants who remained in Judah after the assassination of Gedaliah in a disorganized, de- pressed ajid wretched condition was neither vigorous nor exalted. In fact, this deplorable condition
1. Reference to these conditions will be found in Haggai, 14-6, 9-11; 2. 16-17 and Zechariah, 8. 10. Some scholars ascribe the inactivity of these years to their belief that only few exiles returned under Sheshbazzar .
82
they were left in, coupled with their ignorance and lack of leadership, had made a poor specimen of a religious community - the poorest of the Jewish communities. The religion of Yahweh was at a" lov; level here.
Into sue a socially, economicall}', and re- ligiously inferior community the exiles returned. V/hatever the number of those who returned under Shesh-
bazzar they undoubtedly formed a. minority of their whom
brethren they found in Judah upon their return. The religious zeal and enthusiasm that had imbued and ani- mated the returned exiles had thus encountered another great handicap. Hence religiously as well as socially and economically the new community was undergoing a most trying and difficult period. The newcomers had to exhaust the rich fruitage of their higher religious life which they had developed in Babylon under Ezeklel and his followers upon their poor, ignorant and in- capable brethren of Judah who were by far the more
numerous . In the face of all these various highly
it is
taxing and adverse conditions ^little wonder that soon
apathy took the place of enthusiasm, and sordid worries
succeeded their high hopes. As Dr. &. A» Smith says:
"The like collapse has often been experienced in history when bands of religious men, going forth, as they thought, to freedom and the im- mediate erection of a holy commonwealth, have found their unity wrecked and their enthusiasm
83
dissipated by a few inclement seasons on a bar- ren and hostile shore."1
Nevertheless, with the altar which they re- built as the centre of their religious life, with the daily sacrifices they resumed, with the high priest (Jeshua) as their religious lea.der and as one of their civil heads, with the priests and Levites some of whom were undoubtedly scribes, with the synagogue (brought over probably from Babylon and perhaps instituted in Judah upon their arrival there) as an educational, so-
o
cial and religious institution, the returned exiles were, in spite of the prevailing shortcomings and dif- ficulties, gradually and perhaps unconsciously prepar- ing the way for the later more effective and more suc- cessful attempts at the , establishment of Judaism. Even in these limited and restricted accomplishments of these early returned exiles the influence of Ezekiel are very clearly manifest. Their goal was originally and fundam en tally as that set forth by Ezekiel* They have fallen short of their achieve- ments only because of tremendous difficulties and most adverse circumstances in the midst of great odds. At
1. Smith, G« A*: Minor prophets, vol. II, p. 235.
2. The synagogue gradually became the Beth Hamid- rosh (House of ooudy) and Beth Hak'nesseth (House of Assembly) as well as the Beth Hat'filah (House of Worship) .
84
all events, the new community was more a religious than
a political one.
The first ray of light into the dark horizon
of the religious life and .node which had historically
beset the new community for sixteen years (536-520 B«C»)
after its initial attempts of revival have been checked,
is afforded by the books of Raggal (520 B«0») and Zecha-
1
riah, chapters 1 to 6 (520-518 B •(!•)•
At the outset of his four discourses, urging
the people to build the temple, then encouraging the
builders and promising divine favor unto Zerubbabel,
he declares:
"This people say, It is not time for us to come, the time for Jehovah's house to be built."
Or as is indicated in the margin:
"The time is not come for Jehovah's house to be built. "2
Apparently the religious temper of the depressed com- munity 7;as such as to anticipate a miraculous inter- vention of Yahweh before it may resume any construo-
1- The great political upheavals and confusion within the Persian empire consequent upon the slaying of the impostor Gaunata the lfaglan (521 B»C.) and the acces- sion of Darius (521-485 B-C*) were the external influ- ences giving rise to the messages of Haggai and Zechariah. ^ Dr.TT. K« Cheyne in the Jewish Religious Life after the Exile, p. 12, claims that Haggai and Zechariah inaugu- rated the post exilic period. 2 • Haggai ,1.2.
85
tive activity. Their misfortunes, especially the re- cent draught the new community experienced, he views not as a sign of discouragement but rather as the re- suit of their neglect of the house of Jehovah. In directing his messages to "Zerubbabel , the son of She- altiel, governor of Judah, and to Joshua the son of
a
Jehozadah, the high priest" he clearly indicates that both the high priest (in pre-exilic times designated as chief priest) and the governor are at the head of the community • The immediate obedience of the people to the exhortation of Haggai points to the more influ- ential position of the prophet since Ezekiel (though
i
owing to the growing importance of the Lav;, prophecy
was now on the decline) . It may also signify the
latent religious spirit '01 the new community during
the dull period of sixteen years. The receptivity
to the words of the prophet cultivated in Babylon under
Ezekiel' s influence was as yet not obliterated. VThile
o
alluding to the re- establishment of the monarchy v.hich political conditions had then favored, he conceives the temple as the religious centre of the world, people pouring gifts into it ajid making it more glorious than
1 . Haggai, 1* 9 f .
2 . Haggai ,1.1; 2.2.
3. Haggai, 2. 6-23.
86
Solomon's temple. The position of the priests ?.s the
authorities of the Law especially with regard to cere-
1
monial observance is also indicated. He utilizes a familiar law in demonstrating the delay in the promised blessing. This marked interest in the temple and cere- monial inaugurated by Ezekiel is indicative of the ap- proaching age of the priesthood.
Zechariah, chapters 1 to 8 (520-518 B.C.) mirror more fully the religious life and mode of the new community at this stage. Again, while the days of prophetic authority are numbered, the prophet ( in this instance the prophet is like Ezekiel also a priest) as
well as the priest is sought upon entreating the favor «■>
H
of Jehovah. Both priests and laity place great em-
3
phasis on the religious 'worth of fasting. The prophet- priest Zechariah is intensely concerned with the temple and priesthood. His practical theme is the building of the temple which is now the great concern of the time. Indeed, it is an indispensable condition of the arrival of the Messianic era. AS in Ezekiel, the dwelling of Yahweh in the temple is the sine qua non of the dawn of the Messianic age. Zerubbabel is the
1 • Haggai, 2 . 11 f .
2. Zechariah, 7. 2 f.
3. Zechariah, 7. 5 f.
87
promised Zemah (branch, shoot, or sprout) of David. Joshua, the high priest is the annointed of Yahweh and the representative of the nation who at all times has
A.
free access to Him- The priesthood is viewed as the
Q
a
security for the coming of the Zemah.
Zechariah1 s exhortation of the people for repentance based upon the consequence of disobedience of their forefathers to the former prophets implies imperfection of prevailing moral conditions. There
was still the need of pi taxiing the cause of justice,
3
honesty, truth, righteousness, and compassion.
In his symbolism, in his fusion of priestly and prophetic elements, in his transcendental concep- tion of Yahweh (who communicates with the prophet through angelic beings)', in his emphasis in the temple and priesthood, and in his symbolic representation of
the banishment of wickedness from the land of Yahweh »s
4
abode, Zechariah displays the influence of Ezekiel •
In further evaluation of the religious life
It In Zechariah, 6. 11, Joshua as the wearer of the crown is considered as a redactoral substitution for Zerubbabel •
2. Zechariah, 3. 8 f. In 4. 14 Zerubbabel and Joshua are both intimated as the "two annointed ones".
3. Zechariah, 7. 9-10; 8. 16-17.
4. It may be of interest to note the appearance of Satan for. the first time in a prophetic cook. (Zecha- riah, 3. 1 f .) Also sin is conceived by Zechariah as an independently existing power .
86
and mode of the new community, we may quote c • G« Monte
fior who says;
"Critics have often noticed a decay of freshness and originality in the writings of Haggai and Zecha- riah. Contrasted with Amos and Rosea they show a falling off in creative power* But true though this may be, we must beware of attributing it to the inferior religious capacity of the post-exilic period. One form of religious expression Was to be exchanged for others. Circumstances were no longer favourable to prophecy; the prophet as we know him before the exile needed for his sphere of action a corrupt community and an intense anti- thesis between the evil many and the faithful few. The lessons of prophecy had been well nigh ex- hausted by the teachers of the Assyrian and pre- exilic age. They were preserved in writing, and could be referred to by new teachers. Such a reference is actually made by Zechariah (1. 4, 6; 7. 7).»1
The building of the temple, which through the efforts of Haggai and Zechariah was begun in 520 E«C», was finally completed in 516 E«C« Then, upon its dedi- cation in the midst of great joy and by means of offer- ings and festal celebration, the public service of God began to be carefully ordered.
"The priests were set in th^ir divisions, and the Levites in their courses. *a
The priesthood was thus reinstated. Yahweh was now
conceived as having returned unto His city and His
people. The temple was becoming more and more a na-
1. Montefiore, C- G», in the Hibtert Lectures, 1892, pp. 297-298.
2. Ezra, 6. 18.
89
tional concern. It was looked upon by Jews everywhere as the emblem of national pride and unity. Its worship gave rise to the compilation and composition of numerous psalms - some of which are among the noblest and most spiritual- Many religious ideas as the conception of God, communion with Him, sin and atonement were all affected by the temple. Its centralisation and its inaccessibility to many living at distant points made it possible also for the synagogue to flourish as time went on.
Sentimentality, too, was now greatly heightened. The temple became a rallying point for Jewish patriotism and religion. Until it was superceded by the Law, the temple served as a tie of national cohesion. As the worship and ritual were developed it attracted pilgrims from various and distant Jewish centres on the pilgrim- age holidays. These national get-togethers also helped to weld the national spirit.
Furthermore, it gave impetus (especially ac- cording to those who claim the P Code to be a Pales- tinian product) to the production of the P Code. In it, too, the priestly hierarchy gradually grew up, "sus- tained by a body of sacred lav;, that constituted the very
1
life of Judaism11.
1. Baily, Albert E«, and Kent, Charles F»: History of the Hebrew Commonwealth, p. £75.
90
"By the new temple the gulf of the exile and the dispersion was bridged: over it passed the tradition from the destroyed state to the coming church .
Obviously the importance of the temple, which Ezekiel
a
was the first of the prophets to emphasize, cannot for its age and time be overestimated.
The completion of the temple had not, how- ever, ushered in the golden era that the prophets pre- dicted, paid the people as a result anticipated* Zerub- babel the son of David had in the meantime disappeared from the public arena. The Davidic dynasty thus came to an end, never to be revived again. As a result, the priesthood extended its control as time went on to the civil was well as to the religious life of the com- kunity. The high priests became both the civil and re- ligious heads of the community.
In the meantime, another dull period lasting about sixty years set in as a consequence cf the disap- pointment following the dedication of the temple. With the possible exception of the vague verse, Ezra, 4. 6, this period bears no record from the pen of the Chronic- ler. It was undoubtedly a dark, discouraging, and de-
1. Bailey Aloert and Kent, Charles p.- Op • cit., p. 275.
2. Isaiah* 8 regard for the temple is of a different note to that of Ezekiel
91
generating period in the annals of Palestinian Jewry.
The spirit of the age, however, is apparently reflected
in the book of Malachi (about 46c B.C.) and Trito-lsaiah-
Isaiah, 56-66 (460-445 B »C •) , v;hioh come towards the close
of the period.
The prophet Malachi, whose book is virtually
anonymous, aopears to be addressing a community where in-
1
difference and scepticism are prevalent* Correct
ritual is the prime necessity of the community, accord-
o o
ing to the prophet. The priests are corrupt and care-
3
less. They neglect the temple service. The leaders of the community were ignoring their duty and were de- voting themselves simply to gratifying their own desires. The people were in a state of apathy. Intermarrying be- came common, especially among the priestly and noble 4
families. The purity and integrity of the community were seriously threatened. Sorcerery, adultery, false
swearing, oppression of the worker, widow, fatherless,
5
sojourners, and lack of fear of Yahweh are among the sins of the community which the prophet denounces. The legal attitude with Deuteronomy as the standaxd legal
1. Malachi, 2. 17; 3. 13 f.
2. Malachi, 1. 13 f; 3. S f.
3. Malachi, 1. 7 f; 3. 8 f.
4. Malachi, 2. 1.
5. Malachi, 3. 5.
92
authority of the pious of the community is manifest.
Legalism and ritualism have become so pronounced among
the faithful that even the free spirit of prophecy is
giving way to them. Clearly, the spirit of Ezekiel is
the predominant tendency of the pious of the age.
ITaturally, a similar spirit is expressed in
the messages of Trito-lsaiah, "the seer of the new
Jerusalem", Isaiah, chapters 56-66 (460-445 B«C»)> es~
pecially in chapters 56-59* The evils of the community
disclosed and denounced in the messages of Malachi have
1
not been checked yet. Profanation of the Sabbath,
2 3
sorcery, adultery, idolatry, wrong observance of
4 5 fasts, insincere worship, as veil as injustice, un—
6
righteousness, falsehood, national wickedness, and
7
lack of humility and devotion of heart and incapacity
8
and depravity of the leaders are the shortcomings of the community denounced by the prophet who sounds the old prophetic keynote of higher standards of religious
1. Isaiah, 56. 2, 6; 58. 13.
2. Isaiah, 57. 3.
3. Isaiah, 57. 5 f; 65. 3 f. (The shameful heathen, obdurate and vile practices of the Samaritans within the borders of Judah are evidently intimated here.)
4. Isaiah, 58. 3 f.
5. Isaiah, 66. 3 t*
6. Isaiah, 59. 2 f .
7. Isaiah, 66. 1 f.
8. Isaiah, 56. 9 f; 59. 1 f.
93
life. The need of a fundamental reform is emphatically
presented, and the delay of the promised redemption is
j.
explained by it. Not only has the social and reli- gious corruption of the community reached its height, but a spirit of expectancy is already apparent.
Mention may also be made of Obadiah (46c B»0») the "nationalistic prophet of moral indignation", as an example of the nationalistic spirit of soVne of the pious of the age*
1. Isaiah, 59. 5-15; 61. 8.
94
CHAPTER VI
THE RECONSTRUCTED RELIGIOU
Important as the declaration of Cyrus (538 B«C«) was historically to the Jewish people, nine decades were destined to elapse before its effect upon Judaism came to fruition. In the interim the main stream of Jewish life and thought wafl still centered in Babylon where the founda- tion of Judaism was laid by Ezekiel. It was here mainly for the greater part of this period and not in Judah that Judaism made further progress. The temple, the prophets Haggai, Zechariah, ana towards the close of the period Malachi, Trito-Isaiah, Obadiah, and their adherents in Judah have, in spite of their worthy contributions, not attained the goal for Judaism that their Babylonian brethren Nehemiah and Ezra (traditionally Ezra and Nehe- miah) have.
The great mental and spiritual productivity of
the Babylonian period (586-538 B-C») had of course a
more direct and more intimate influence upon the Jews
in Babylon than upon those in judah during this period
(538-444 B-C*)* The religious constitutions Which
1
have come to the fore, as noted in Chapter IV, on
1 . 3upra, p • 60 f •
95
Babylonian soil have been naturally further developed
during these years. The Sabbath and circumcision we
have reason to believe were more strictly observed in
Babylon than in Judah. Study and exposition of the
sacred writings were more religiously pursued on the
foreign soil. More Psalms and proverbs were very
likely composed then. The synagogue, too, which had
its antecedents in the Babylonian period, was during
these years becoming more and more the religious, social
1
and educational center of the Judaeans in Babylon. Within the walls of these institutions the foundation of Judaism had found its main fertile and prolific soil. Here its religious and spiritual leaders were trained. The eaxly 3of er im or Scribes (Biblical scholars, stu- dents, and teachers of the written and unwritten law) who have "set their heart to seek the la.w of Jehovah
and to do it, and to teach in Israel statutes aJhd or- 2
dinances" came from the synogogues of Eabylon. More- over, both Nehemiah (though a layman) and Ezra the es- tablishers of Judaism - the reconstructed religion - were reared there. And thus equipped with a sound foundation and well qualified by discipline of both
1. The synagogue is designated in Hebrew by the terms of Beth Hat'filah (House of Prayer), Beth Hamidrosh (House of Study), and Beth Hak'nesseth (House of Assembly).
2. Ezra, 7. 10 •
96
head and heart they came to the rescue of their Pales- tinian brethren at the very necessary moment and es- tablished the structure which has ever since funda- mentally housed the faith of their people.
1. Phases
This structure, Judaism (erected fundamentally in 444 or 39S B »C • } , while being primarily - especially at this stage - legalistic and ritualistic, was supported by various and diversified pillars. Many phases or as- pects other than legalism which have become the pro- genitors of future manifestations in Juda,ism were also present. Some of these phases have in due time become inarticulate in the life of Judaism and have been suc- ceeded by others more vital and practical to the needs of the hour. Others have had only periodic influences and manif estations . Still others have clung to the fundamental phase - legalism - and together weathered
all storms and ages. Only the most important of these 1
phases, which are reflected in the Old Testament are indicated in the subsequent pages of this chapter.
a. Prophetic
The hitherto most lofty and uplifiting fac-
1. The legalistic or fundamental aspect is treated under the next subdivision "elements".
97
tar in the religion of Israel which with the introduction of Deuteronomy had registered the "beginning of its end, was now with the triumph of legalism practically drawing to a close. Fortunately, Judaism in germinal form as reflected in Deuteronomy had not only fused the prophetic spirit with the priestly one, but also had made the for- mer the prevailing note on the whole. Likewise the erec tion of the foundation of Judaism by a prophetic as well as priestly personality, Ezekiel, had enhanced the pro- phetic soirit of Judaism. Also, the perfected prophetic
1
conception of Sod embraced in p Code (500 B»0.) and the
j» 2 moral touches contained here and there in this Code as
well as the conception of virtue and vice as being ante- cedent to sacrifice and ritual, reflect the penetration
of a prophetic ray even 'to trie exclusively legalistic-
3
ritualistic stronghold. Finally, the canonization of the prophetic books had placed upon the. prophetic
1. Genesis, 1.
2. Genesis, 6. 9-11; 17. 1.
3. The last prophetic messages axe those of; Jonah (about 300 B.C.), the "prophet of God of breadth", Zechariah, chapters 9 to 14 ( 300-250 B »C • ) , the "seer of Jehovah* s universal reign", and Daniel (about 167 B.C.), the "seer of loyalty to Jewish ideals". (The phra.ses in quotation marks are the designations applies by Dr. Elmer Leslie in his cla.ss lectures of the Old Testament prophets.)
98
phase of Judaism the seal of sacredness. Consequently the unsurpassed jewels of religious ideals and idealism of Israel's teachers and expounders of righteousness, lovingkindess, compassion, justice and virtue have been deposited in the treasure of Judaism.
b. Apocalyptic
As prophecy was declining because of the in- creasing importance of the Law, apocalypse,, an aspect of
Judaism which made its first definite appear anc a in Eze- 1
kiel, was coming more and more into prominence. This aspect of Judaism may be conceived as the successor of prophecy in the sense that in a. different form it utters the ideas, hopes, and expectations of the prophets. At its core is the kingdom, of God. It looks forward to the achievement of God's purpose by His sudden, supernatural intervention. In its ethical quality objective, en- couragement of hope in facing the future, it is similar to prophecy. On the other hand, however, in its un- limited scope as to time and space, in its angelic in- termediary of "revelation", in its subject matter, in its hostility to the present, and in its pseudonymity (with the exception of Joel) it differs from prophecy.
1. Ezekiel, chapters 38 and 39.
c
99
Apocalypse is also symbolic, fantastic, allegoric, and catastrophic as to the end of things* It would destroy the wicked and thus make room for the righteous. it served, however, as the cry of faith in a dark hour.
The Law was recognized as authoritative to the Old Testament apocalyptic writer, as iJc nafi to the rep- resentative of legalistic Judaism. V/ith the advent of Christianity, however, apocalypse was in a measure anti- legalistic • Historically speaking, apocalyptic Judaism became the parent of Christianity, while legalism the parent of Talmudic Judaism.
Joel (about 400 B »C • ) , the "apocalyptic seer of j
the spirits outpouring", Isaiah, chapters 24 to 37 (about 1
340-332 B«C») j the "seer of judgment, ressurection and
immortality, Zechariah', chapters 9 to 14 (300—250 B«C»)*
the "seer of Jehovah's universal reign", and Daniel
Jewish 2
(about 167 B-CO, "the seer of loyalty to. ideals" are the Old Testanent apocalyptic writings, in addition to Ezekiel, chapters 38 and 39, which give expression to this phase of Judaism, described briefly in the first two paragraphs of this subdivision.
c Devotional The devotional a.spect of Judaism is reflected
1. Especially chapters 12. 1-13. 6.
2. Cf • supra, p» 97, note 3.
ICQ
in a very representative s~nd clear manner in the psalter -
Judaism's great religious hymnal. In it are deposited
the spiritual thoughts and heart-seated feelings, hopes,
inner currents, and experiences of Israel of various ages
and periods. Elements of it are to be found as early as 1
120C B«C. And while as McCurdy says;
"No period of Israel's history was more likely to give rise to such poems of the heart than was the Exile",2
the first compilation of psalms (3-41) took place about
the time of the establishment of Judaism under Nehemiah
and Ezra* Its use as the hymnal and prayer book of the
3
temple and its further development and compilation under
1. Exodus, 15. 21 (Song of .Miriam): Judges, 5 (Song of Deborah) - "earliest extant 'monument of Hebrew litera- ture" (Dr. George Foot iloore) ; II Samuel 23. 1-7 (pur- ported to be the last words of David) are the earliest of the Old Testament songs akin to the psalms. Ele- ments and reference to psalmody are also found in the prophetic writings as in Ainos, 5. 2-3; Hosea, 6« 1-3; 13. 1-3; Isaiah, 2. 1-4; 12. 4; 30. 29; 33. 10 f«J Jeremiah, 14. 7-9; 16. 19-20; 17. 7-8; Ha.bakkuk, 3; Ezekiel, 40* 4-1 and many in Deutero-isaiah, some in Tri to- Isaiah, and Jonah.
2. Dr. Harlan Creelman: An Introduction to the Old Testament, p. 184.
3. The second compilation, Psalms 42-83, was effected about 430-330 B.C. psalms 84-89 were appended to the second collection about 300-25Q B.C. Compilation of the last two books of the psaJ-ter (Book IV and V, psalms, 90-150 belongs to the very early part of the Kaccabean Age (168-163 E »C • ) about 165 B.C. It became a closed book certainly not later than the first century B.C.
In the Hebrew Bible the psalter is composed of five books: I psalams, 1-41; II psalms, 42-72; HI psalms, 73-39; IV psalms, 90-103; V psalms, 107-150-
101
the predominance of legalism is one of the clea.r evi- dences that the law book did not transform Judaism into a complete arid ritualism and legalism. In this con- nection it is also to be remembered that while with the establishment of Judaism the age of priesthood was ushered in, the psalmist as well as the scribe spoke more directly to the piety of the nation than the other elements. a digest of the character, religion and use of the Psalms
will give us a clearer conception of the devotional as-
1
pect of Judaism.
(1) Character of the psalms The psalms very clearly reflect the devotional attitudes of Judaism. They are rich and varied in moods and subjects. There are psalms of adoration such as psalms 8, 33, 105, and 115. There are reflective Psalms such as 37, 49, ajid 73. psalms of thanksgiving axe numerous, e.g., 107, 46, 144, 66, and 138. There are some historical psalms, such as 106, and 114. There are a good many imprecatory psalms which are rather out of harmony with our ideas of devotional literature, e.g., 137, 53, 59, 69, 83, and 109. There are also peniten-
1. The material appearing under the headings pertaining to the psalms are taken largely from an Outline on the Devotional Aspect of Judaism, by Ux? George F- Oborn, a, class mate in the course on old Testament Research under Dr. Elmer A» Leslie.
102
tial psalms , such as 51, 51, and 52. psalms of petition of which psalm 70 is a good example, are numerous. Ther are a number of royal psalms, such as psalms 45, 2c, 21, 61, and 63. And there are psalms of lamentation, e.g., psalms 68, 5, and 70 •
One of the most interesting characteristics of the psalter is its -profound affinity with the ideas of the great prophets of Israel. We find this affinity to hold true in almost all of the fundamental ideas such as the idea of God, the social outlook, the problem of suf- fering, the problem of immortality, the attitude toward the nation, and in eschatology. One or two illustra- tions may serve to indicate this. The prophetic idea that Jehovah desires goodness and righteousness, rather than animal sacrifice finds frequent expression in the psalter, characteristically in Psalms 25 and 15. The conception of personal religion as faith in Jehovah which is the keynote of Isaiah finds frequent expres- sion in the psalter, that is, psalms 2 $18; 11:1; 7; 1; 27: 1-3.
The spirit of legalism and Pharisaism is also
of course reflected in the psalter as psalms 19:7-14; 119
1
17; 18; 26; 44 (at end); 101; 131; and 134 indicate.
1. Dr. George A« Barton, in The Religion of Israel, p. 201 f classifies the psalms as I psalms of Unre-
( Footnote Continued on Following Page)
103
(2) Religion of the psalms
(a) The Idea of God
Jehovah in the psalter is a God of righteous- ness and justice (psalms 11:7; 7:0; 25 ;8; 9:4 et al). He is a God of lovingkindiiess , faithfulness and good- ness (psalms 41:3; 103:3; 92:2; 100:5; 119:8S et el). The sovereignty, majesty and holiness of God receives much emphasis (psalms 143; 10:16; 11:4; 86:3 et al). The forgiving spirit of Jehovah is expressed in psalms 85:3; 78:38; 86 ;5 et al . Jehovah as the shepherd of Israel is found in many places, e.g., psalms 23; 80:1; 28:9; 74:1 et al . The universalis^ of Jehovah finds expression in psalms 18:31; 113 ;4, 5; 77:13 et al .
(b) The Idea of Suffering
The orthodox idea is uppermost as in Psalms
(Footnote Continued from Preceding Page) generate Hate as psalms 109; 129; 137; 140; etc; 1 1- Hymns of '.Var as psalms 68; III. Love for the Law (psalms that extoll the lav;) as psalms 19:7-14 and 119; IV- psalms of Historical retrospects as psalms 77; 78; 83; 105; 106; 114; 135; and 136. V-IIature psalms as psalms 8; 19:l-6; 29; 104; 107; 139; 147; 143. VI» psalms of the Pharisaic spirit as psalms 17; IS; 26; 44 (at end); 1 01; 131; 134. VII. Prayers for Help (34 psalms are of such a nature, as psalms 3; 6; 7; 5*4; 55; 86; 88; 120; 143; and 144. (They are listed in Ibid., p. 205.) VIII. Reflective psalms (43 psalms are of a reflective or moralizing nature). A list of them is givin in Ibid., p. 206) as 1; 2; 50; 68; 73; 10C; 133; 133, etc. IX. Expressions of Trust as psalms 42; 43; 46; 84 and more (listed in Ibid., p. 206); and X. psalms of progress in Religious Thinking as psalms 50; 51; 139; and the like.
104
1 and 128. The ps&lmist seems to feel a lack of ability to understand suffering, as in psalm 22. The Psalmist takes consolation from the messianic hope (psalms 90, 96, 2) and from fellowship with God.
(c) The Idea of Immortality
The psalmist has no idea of an Immortal life of happiness. Death for him is always a calamity (psalms 69:16; 30:4). In death none think of God or praise him (psalms 6.5; 30*9; 115. 17 et al). God takes no thought of the dead (psalms 88:5-7; 10; 12). Premature death is the punishment of the wicked (psalms 9:18; 31:18; 55;24 et al). Length of days is the re- ward of the righteous (psalms 23:6; 91:16; 97:10 et al).
There is occasionally expressed a hope to es- cape sheol in some manner, as in psalms 49:15; and IS. psalms 73;24 is the only passage in the psalter in which a hope of life beyond the grave is expressed. And even that is doubtful because of the corruption of the text .
(3) Use of the psalms We have already suggested that the psalms formed the hymn book of the second temple. They were very largely used in connection with the sacrifices and public v/orship in the temple. Many of them were no doubt sung antiphonally by the temple choir and the people. This is seen very clearly in psalm 136. One
105
of the typical songs of the psalter is psalm 95 which is an antiphonal song of priest and people going up to worship at the temple* The Bongs of ascents, so called (psalms 120 to 124), were often sung by pilgrims on the way to Jerusalem. The Hall el psalms (psalms ill to 113, 115 to 117, 146 to 150) were used on different feast days, especially at the feast of the Passover*
In addition to this large use of the psalter for public worship, the psalms were no doubt used exten- sively for private worship. Such songs as psalm 23 and psalm 73:22-26 are admirably adapted for private devotions. No doubt, many, if not most, of the psalms were originally written as expressions of individual sentiments and as- pirations and only later adapted to the use of the con- gregation. Some of them appear to be songs used by in- dividuals in presenting sacrifices in the temple, pos- sibly written in commemoration of such events - such as psalm 6G:33 ff. The Psalter mast have also been used in the synagogues, and is of course still used.
The psalms mirror the inner soul of Judaism. It is in the psalter that the religion of Judaism finds its deepest and richest expression. We can see from the psalms that many men found consolation, power and salva- tion in the religion of Judaism.
106
d. priestly
fhe priestly aspect, furthered from within by Ezekiel (40-48), the Holiness Code (Leviticus, 17-26), and by the emphasis placed upon ritual by the post- exilic prophets, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi and Trito- Isaiah, found its clearest expression in the P Code (500 B»C«) which was an attempt to realize the idea of Israel as a "people of priests" by laying full stress on the ritual and ceremonial aspects. The age of priesthood introduced by the completion of the temple and with the former "chief priest" becoming "high priest" the disappearance of the last scion of David - Zerubbabel - became established with the founding of Judaism under Hehemiah and Ezra* The power of the priesthood became more and more prominent for some time as the theocracy ushered in by the P Code became developed. Its control was now extended to the civil as well as the religious life of the community. This increasing power of the priesthood opened up opportuni- ties for self-seeking. Even prior to the introduction
of the p Code 0reed, corruption, and ill oractices
1
were prevalent ajnong the priesthood. The priests were
1. Llalachi, 1. 13; 2. 1CXL7; 3. 8-12; 3. 14.
107
more and more becoming the unprogressive traditional side
of religion. MaJiy of the high priests made their office
1
a. ladder to personal power. After iiehemiah entire sec- ular authority seems to have been vested by the Persian government in the person of the high priest.
While the scope of this chapter limits us to the Old Testament we may take the liberty of extending our discussion in the case of this aspect down to 70 A»D«, so as to give us a clearer conception of it.
During the Greek period (333-168 B«C») the evil results of the priesthood became more appaxent. The high priest was still the center of power in Judah. From the time of the Ptolemies, however, an aristocratic Council of Elders, later known as the Sanhedrin, assisted him in the administration. In the r61e of the high priesthood from Ihe time of Alexander to that of the Maccabees, there are three names of outstanding merit. Simeon I (about 300-285 B»C.) ministered very nobly to the spiritual needs of the nation. Simeon the Righteous (about 225-195 B»0«) was distinguished for his piety, kindliness, scholarship, ajid great enterprise in forti-
1. In passing, the marriage of Manas s eh, the brother of Jaddua the high priest, to the daughter of Sanballat, the Samaritan chief, and the consequent final Samaritan schism may be mentioned here.
.LUb
fying the temple and the city of Jerusalem and improving
1
the water supply. In OniasIII we see a godly man slandered by sordid relatives and victimized by cruel circumstances . With his base brother Jason afl succes- sor, the Hellenistic faction gained control over the temple. After three years' tenure of office (174-171 B»C») Jason was in turn supplanted by a still more un- principled renegade, ilenelaus, a Hellenistic Jew of the tribe of Benjamin who outbid the high priesthood from Antiochus Epiphanes (175-164 B.C»)* The high priests thus became the willing tools of the Fellenising suzerain rulers. As a result, the Hellenization of Judea was soon in full swing and pagan worship was introduced into Judaea*
The successful culmination of the revolt against Antiochus Epiphanes under the priestly family of the As- moneans, of Maccabeans, placed the high priesthood into_ their hands (165-68 B»C»)* While as in the pre- Llaccabean age the high priest was virtually the civil head of the Jewish community, with the Asmonean line possession of princely prerogatives was of increasing
1» Very glowing tribute is paid him by Jesus ben Sirach (Ecclesiasticus, 1. 1-4). One of his most famous sayings is; "The world the Jewish community depends upon three things; upon the study of the Tor ah, upon worship in the temple, and upon kindli- ness or practice of charity ." Abot, 1. 2.
1C9
prominence. Originally, the Asmonean princes who were rulers and high priests at the same time belonged to the Pharisees (the old priestly aristocracy, however, belonged to the Sadducees). ,/ith John Hyrcanus I (135- 105 B.C-) v?ho was more of a king than a high priest, and who, contrary to Pharisaic doctrine, subordinated his zeal for the Law to the worldly interests of his own house, the Asmonean rulers became identified with the Sadducees - the political aristocratic and re- ligiously liberal party (with the exception of ijueen Alexandra, 176-67 B.C.). Royal and priestly power were thus exercised by the person assisted by the lan- hedrin in the administration of justice.
V/ith the advent of the period of early Roman supremacy (65 B«C to 70 A-D-), the Asmonean rule is drawing to a close. The weak Hyrcanus II (63-40 B«C.) who had been installed in Palestine as "Ethnarch" of the Jews by Pompey, held the government only by name. And in 37 B«C« when the Herodian. epoch (37 B.C. to 100 A *D • ) began with Herod the Great (37 B «C • to 4 A«D •) the Asmonean rule was set aside completely. High priests were then appointed and removed at the pleasure of the ruler and their powers were limited to the temple.
In sheer persistence and longevity -^wwrf- Wry- the priestly element surpasses the prophet, king,
I
110
and psalmist.1 In point of religious importance it is for the most part the less significant element in Juda- ism. The written revelation introduced by Deuteronomy has, as we have observed in Chapter III, made the former priestly instruction subservient to the written revela- tion and transformed the priests into interpreters and expositors of the law* But the very institution of the Law (under Ezra), a priestly product primarily, wrested from the hands of the priesthood the function of instruc- tion, interpretation and exposition of the Law and placed more and more in the hands of the lay scribes (later the Rabbis). At the same time the synagogue - the stronghold of the scribes - became more and more promi- nent and gradually superceded even the temple which be-
2
came' later mrerely a survival. The temple ritual was
1. in an insignificant and subordinate position the oriestly element survived the destruction of trie temple in 70 A. D- The family names of "Cohen" and "Levy" still bear witness to the Ion- recollection of trie •priest" and the "Levite". The priests ?je now merely the redeemers of the first born male, the ©leasers of the people on High Holidays wnentne Levites pour water on their hands. An:- followed by the Levites, the Priests take precedency in read- ing the Law in the synagogue. Their position, now- ever as mere priests is immensely inferior oo that of the Rabbi who is the real representative of Judaism.
3. The 'synagogue in turn necessitated the supplement- ing of the prophets to the Pentateuch, which even took nlace by means^ of canonization in 200 B -C •
Ill
I
henceforth but a portion of the la** maintained minutely, only because the la* ordained it. It v/as not In the temple worship, but rather in the fulfilment of the la* of which that worship was but a part that YahwehJs and Israel's glory were realised. Religiously the priesthood was thus restricted more and more to all matters of ritual- And by virtue of the fact that the importance of the law, the value of which Ezekiel had wisely foreseen and treasured in his foundation of Judaism, Judaism was able to survive when the second temple was destroyed in 70 A-D-
e. Rabbinical The history of tie Rabbinical phase of Judaism in its orthodox form is really the history of legalism which after passing through its early stages of develop- ment became primarily identified by this new and last designation - Rabbinism.1 And while the various funda.- mental features of the religion of the Law - legalism - will be dealt with in the next subdivision, "elements", we may present here a brief description of Rabbinical Judaism in its aspect as a vehicle or medium through which legalism found its authoritative expression in
l . The word "Rabbi" was first employed after the time of Hillel, the last of the Pairs who were con- temporaries of Herod the Great. (Hillel Hanasx was oresidSt of the Sanhedrin from 31 B-C to 10 A-D-)-
112
the life of the Jewish people up to the time of the es- tablishment of Judaism.
initially Rabbinical Judaism found expression through the medium of the priesthood who, with the intro- duction of Deuteronomy, have gradually a* a learned class become the students, instructors, interpreters, and ex- positors of the Deuteronomic law, which in exile had gained impetus through Ezefciel- In the exilic environ- ment severed from altar and temple and at the time when the process of transformation from a nation to a Church began, the priests adjusted themselves to the new condi- tions by subordinating their priestly oral instruction (as manipulation and interpretation of oracles) to that of the legal. They soon became the first Soferim or Scribes. In fact, Dr. Henry preserved Smith dates this phenomenon with Ezekiel by saying:
"In a sense we may call him the first of the scribes, the exponent of a written revelation."
•liat later became the synagogue had now in exile substi- tuted the temple as the official home of the priests where prayer and instruction replaced sacrificial wor-
ship
1. The development of Rabbinical Judaism after the establishment of the Law is dealt with briefly in one next chapter, "A Brief Historical Survey ox Judaism."
2. Smith, Henry preserved: The Religion of Israel, D. 197.
113
In due time, however, the scribal profession
extended itself to a lay scribal order, which became
differentiated from the priesthood. But at the time
of the establishment of the Law the scribal profession
was still represented by the class of Priests and
Levites. The earliest mention of the title for this
class of Biblical scholars, students, and teachers of
the written and unwritten Law as such occurs in Ezra,
where he is described as a "ready scribe in the law of
Moses". Its meaning is set forth also in this book:
"For Ezra ha.d set his heart to seek the law of Jehovah and to do it, and to teach in Israel statutes and ordinances."
Study of the Law, its observance, its inter- pretation and instruction to the people, were the ear- marks of a scribe. They were pious men who through love of tne Divine Law occupied themselves in collect- ing, editing, and studying the sacred books, and in ex- plaining them to the people. Their mode of tea.ching is indicated in Nehemiah:
"And they read in the book in the law of God, distinctly ( or with an interpretation) and gave,, the sense so that they understood the reading." '
1. Scribes are mentioned in Jeremiah, 8. 8, and oc- cur frequently in the Old Testament in other signi- fications as in Judges, 5. I4j II Kings, 25. 19; Jeremiah, 57. 15, 30; 52. 25.
2. Nehemiah, 8. 8.
114
- M -eneral, formulate abstract halakot They aid not, m benei„J-, _^
(lav.s) from the Biblical text.
With the establishment of Judaism through the institution of the Law by Ezra the lay soribes beoa.e .ore and ,ore the leaders of thought and the authorita- tive religious teachers of Judaism through the medium * the synagogue until they have assumed the new nam.
Rabbi .
P.. Elements
The reconstructed religion - Judaism - is ,asically legalistic This aspect which forms the oorner stone of foundation formulated its
dearest egression in the P Code (500 B-C) pub- iioly and generally accepted, solemnly subscribed to . by the congregation and ratified by a formal covenant *«. yehemiah-E-a ( 444 B -C • or 297 B -C • ) • Belief
• v iurtfinE from their style, seem to
X. some -^«otly flo^the later scribes, have emanated air^cxij S. Ezekiel, 40-46. 3. Shifl covenant enjoined themi
L To adhere to the Law of Moses.
£ to refrain from intermarriage with the
c. to observe *tne Sabbath and the Sabbat ieal
year. *«wale service by means
d- T° ^roon*:, ofone-third of a shekel, e. To bring first fruits and tithes.
115
in its divine origin and recognition of its whole con- tents was the basis of its acceptance a.s a state docu- ment. It is in this spirit that Ezra is spoken of as
"1
"the scribe of the law of the God of heaven" and the
book as "the book of the law of Lloses, which Jehovah
8
had co .sanded to Israel". As was the ca.se with Deu-
3
teronomy the p Code was introduced as the law of Moses with absolute sincerity at the psychological mo- ment. Fortunately, it v:p.s supported by suzerain au- thority and the backing of the more energetic, superior and authoritative Jewish community of Babylon whose rep- resentatives accompanied llehemiah and Ezra in consider- able number. Upon its acceptance it became the reli- gious law of Jews everywhere. Though priestly by name, character and composition, it Wafl not promulgated in the interest of the presthood. Aiming at the realization of Israel as a "people of priests" it was introduced as
1. Ezra, 7. 12, 21.
2. llehemiah, 8. 1.
3. A"t "the time of its introduction it did not con- stitute the whole of the present p stratum. It in- cluded then most likely Leviticus, 1-1G, the ceremonial sections of Exodus and numbers, the geneologies and the
v section on circum^cision in Genesis, 17. Shortly afterwards it was enlarged (embracing the Code of Holiness) and united JED into a single whole, forming the Corpus i/iosalc (Pentateuch), about 400 B«C» The question of the pla.ce of origin of the p Code - whether Babylon or Palestine - does not concern us here.
US
a sacred institution for the layman in no way abrogating, of course, the former codes. It concerns primarily the community and not the individual and is not confined to the priestly caste, hut to the entire people who are to know and observe the Law.
'.Vhile the priestly legislation did not form the only and sole rule of life for the Israelite, the best source for the religion of the Law at the time of the establishment of Judaism is the P Code. Moreover, the development of later Jewish life followed the lines laid down by it. Hence, in considering the elements of the reconstructed religion at the time that Judaism became established (especially after the p Code was completed) our attention must be directed to a brief analysis of the constituent fundamental elements of the P Code.
a» Conception of God
In p the prophetic conception of God appears
in its perfection. Theologically P is more advanced
than the prophets and Deuteronomy. In its creation 1
narra.tive the trans cendance and universal ism of God is unsurpassed anywhere else in the Old Testament. In terms of history rather than metaphysics or anthology
1. Genesis, 1.
117
it presents there a theory of the universe in a. religious spirit. Originally it did not compress the creation story which is ultimately based on a Babylonian account, into the mould of the Sabbath* It is, however, an al- mighty God who creates the universe with perfect wisdom in its innumeroufl constituent parts as well as in its en- tirety for man. God's work of creation is the unfolding of His purpose and plan and the fashioning of a human history in harmony with His control. That Yahveh or Elohim is a universal God is a pre-established fact with p and not a new theory or conception that He is just attempting to substantiate or establish. He is not confronted with the problem of national God be- coming the God of Israel as is the case with the proph- ets and Deuteronomy.' Vith him it is rather the uni- versal God of Adam and lloah who becomes the God of Ab- raham by means of a covenant.
All anthropomorphism is carefully avoided by
p. Tahweh is a living, personal, and at the same time
1
a purely spiritual God. His sole medium of revelation is His word. No other intermediaries are conceived. It is in the rational and moral sense - in man's capa- city to know God and act in His spirit - that "God cre-
1. God is not immaterial in a Platonic sense in p.
118
1
ated man in iiis own image's and not in a physical sense. psychologically a spiritual kinship prevails between God and man* Allusions are made to the ap- pearance of God on extraordinary occasions. But such
o
appearances are indicated as from a distance. The
o
"glory of Yahweh" is veiled in a cloud, and is corn- s- pared, as in Ezekiel 's chariot, with a devouring fire.
Even iloses never perceived the face of Yahweh. And
when the reflection of Yahweh' s glory caused the skin
of Hoses' face to shine, Hoses ha.d to cover his face o
with a veil •
b. The Theocracy
Substantially, the very same idea that un-
6
derlies Ezekiel1 s program is worked out for the com- munity in greater detail by p. With the temple - the abooVs of Yahweh at the center of all life - it aims to secure the holiness of Israel both collectively and
individually so as to insure the consecrating oresence
7
of God in the midst of the community. The priests
1. Genesis, l. 27.
2. Genesis, 17. 22; 35. 9, 13.
3. Exodus, 16. 10; Numbers 9. 15 f.
4. Exodus, 24. 17.
5. Exodus, 34. 29. -S. Ezekiel, 4Q-43.
7. Exodus, 29. 44-46} numbers 5. 3; 55. 34. This fun- damental thought of P is expressed in Ezekiel, 37. 27 f ., 43. 7, 9 and the special re.ard for the sanctuary and t enrol e is also indicated in Ezekiel, 5. 11; 8. o; 23. 38 f and^ 25 . 3 as well as in chapters 41, 43, 44 and 47. (Healing life-giving 3 tr earn* issuing from the right side of the altar . ,
119
and Levites - the idea of the division of "the two classes
1
derived fro..: Esekiel - are their ministers, serving at the temple. On behalf of the community, they maintain appropriate sacrifices and rites of atonement and puri- fication. They are also the functioners of sacrifices and purification obligatory from time to time upon indi- viduals. Holiness permeating the P Code as it does in Ezekiel's program, the principles most prominent in P are those of atonement and purification. The sac- rifices most frequently prescribed are the guilt-offering and especially the sin-offering, neither of which is men- tioned at all in any of the other codes, while they both occur in Esekiel.
The 'people, as is first provided for in Ese- kiel's plan, are thus 'transformed into a congregation and the nation into a Church. Lav/ and worship are the two focal 'points of this ecclesiastical community1* Is- rael which was once a kingdom becomes a theocracy where God and His lav; must be obeyed regardless of the political fluctuations which may overtake the community. Reli- giously the community is isolated from all others. it
ll In Esekiel the priests as contrasted with the Levites are the descendants of Za&ok, while in p the priests are the descendants of Aaron.
2. Esekiel, 4c S9$ 42. 13; 43. 19, 21, 22, 25; 44. 27, 29; 45. 17, 19, 22, 23, 25; 46. 2c.
3. Esekiel, 40-48 .
r
120
is the abode of Divine majesty and tlie guardian of Divine
1
law. nothing is said of a possible king. No lay ruler is indicated above the high priest. Political aims are ignored. Its goal is not, as in Deuteronomy, human pros- perity, but rather the glory of God. The end of the com- munity is purely religious. Holiness is its main objec- tive •
"Ye shall be holy unto me; for I, Jehovah, am , holy, and have set you Bfiart from the peoples, that ye should be mine."^
c. Religious Institutions Ezekiel's religious theme, though not accepted in all its details, is the dominant policy really of p. Ritualism pervades its whole field. Its two funda- mental pillars are:
(1) Divind ownership of everything; and (.2) Arbitrary enactment. • ,
(!•) Divine Ownership of Everything Theoretically all space, all time, all property, and all life belong to God. Practically, however, in order to maintain the existence of God's consecrated people only a portion of all these is to be exclusively
1> In Ezekiel all that survives of the regal dignity of the "prince" is his function afl a. representative of the people in offering sacrifices in the temple. His powers are very rigidly limited otherwise.
2. Leviticus, 3Q. 26.
121
hallowed to Him and thus he withdrawn from profane use.
1
( gj • Space . All land belongs to Yahweh; who is sole Lord of all space. A limited section, how** ever, is to be consecra/fced and reserved unto Him. It is to serve as abode of Yahweh* 6 glory where the sacri- ficial service by the Priests and Levites will secure His constant presence and blessing. Concentration of worship at this one legitimate sanctuary is not a new
2
regulation, as with Deuteronomy, but a natural condition.
The "Holy of Holies" which is open only to the high priest
3
at no other time than the Day of Atonement, is the most sacred spot in the temple. Uext to it in importance of holiness is the "Holy Place" open only to the Priests and not Levites. in the fore-court which surrounds these the Priests assisted by the Levites perform their sacri- ficial duties. Between this court and the tribes sur- rounding it, three on each side, are loca.ted the Levites. According to this plan, which is similar fundamentally to
1. Leviticus, 25. S3*
2. The "taberna,cle" of the wilderness is a projection of the Jerusalem temple back into the days of Hoses, thus initiating this conception of a unified cultus from the time of the revelation at Sinai. The ark
it describes as having been then set off in rectangular form with the Priests and Levites around it and then three tribes on each side of it.
3. Leviticus, 16. "lumbers, 18. 7, however, implies that all Priests are admitted to the "Holy of Holies".
122
that of Ezekiel, the land is divided into zones of in- creasing sacredness.
Further expression of the idea that a part of the land is to be reserved unto Yahweh as an acknowledg- ment of His entire ownership of it is found in the al- lotment of thirteen priestly and thirty-five levitical
cities each of which is surrounded "by a piece of pasture 1
land* This provision is considered as a tax paid unto Yahweh for the use of those who minister unto Him on he- half of the c.o. u.iuni ty •
Finally, the Sabbatical year and the year of
Jubilee are prescribed for a.s theocratic rather than hu-
2
manitarian institutions.
"The seventh year shall be a sabbath of solemn rest for the land, a sabbath unto Jehovah. "3
It clearly denotes a means of consecration of the land as
an indication of the Divine ownership of it.
And the Jubilee year is prescribed upon the
1. IJumbers, 35$ Joshua, 21. In lumbers, 18. 20 f and 26. 62 the Levites are mentioned as having received no inheritance among the children of Israel.
2. According to Exodus, 23. 10 f which belongs to the Book of the Covenant (Exodus, 20* 23-23. 33), the land is to lie fallow every seventh year for the good of the poor and the beasts of the field. It does specifically extend to all cultivated land in one and the sane year • In Deuteronomy (chapter 5) only a release or remission of debts is prescribed for every seventh year on human- itarian grounds.
5. Leviticus, 25. 4.
123
principle that
"The land shall not be sold in perpetuity; for the land is mine: for ye are strangers and sojourners with me***
Co) . Time « As all time belongs to Yahweh, a portion of it must be consecrated and hallowed unto Him in order that one may encroach to his own advantage upon His time, otherwise* Hot only are the Sabbath, Passover, Pentecost, and Tabernacles maintained, but
in O
also two new days of "holy convocation" and abstention of labor are added and the character and manner of cele- bration cf the Sabbath and the annual festivals are modified. For this reason a brief description of each follows :
(!') . Sabbath . In contrast to the Boole of the 5 4 Covenant and Deuteronomy, the Sabbath, originally a
1. Leviticus', 25. 23. This provision unlike the one for the Sabbatical year wafl never carried out. Its observance was only to the extent of counting it.
2. These two new days of "holy convocation" are the Memorial of Blowing of Trumpets (Leviticus, 23. 24) or more simply, the Day of Blowing the Trumpet (numbers, 29. 1) and the Day of Atonement (Leviticus, 16. 29-34; 23- 26-32). The New Moon, which strictly speaking was not a Yahwehistic institution, originally, and is not mentioned in the Covenant Code or Deuteronomy, is referred to in p (Numbers, lo« 10) as well as in Ezekiel, 45. 18; 46. 1, 3, 6. It is, however, of lit- tle import in Judaism.
3. Exodus, 23. 12 (a day of rest) . (In Exodus, 20. 8, 11 reference is made to the Creation.)
4. Deuteronomy, 5. 15 makes no reference to the Cre- ation, but connects.it instead with -the Exodus from Egypt.
124
Babylonian taboo day and then Oanaanitish institution of
a social nature, is in P not instituted for man's saJce
1
but for Yahweh*s sake. P connects the Sabbath with
the Creation. vrnen
"God finished his work which he had ma.de; and he rested on the seventh day from all his work which he had made* And God blessed the seventh day, and hallowed it, because that in it he rested? from all His work whioh God had created and ma.de ."^
Its observance is a perpetual sign or covenant between
3
Yahweh and Israel. It thus becomes a purely religious day which must be rigidly observed by abstention from
4
all manner of works and by consecration unto worship.
( » paBsover . This festival whioh occurs in the
month of Abbib (Nisanj corresponding approximately to
April) WaS originally a nomadic joyous feast for the
presentation of the firstlings of cattle. Deuteronomy
was the first to associate' it with unleavened bread and
combined it with the beginning of the harvest and the
6
Exodus from Egypt. In P, hovrever, aside from the
1. Leviticus, 23. 3. It is a. day of "holy convocation".
2. Genesis, 2. 2.
3. Exodus, 31 . 13 f .
4. The influence of Ezekiel who wafl the first of the prophets to include a violation of the Sabbath among Is- rael's sins (Ezekiel, 20* 24; 22. 26) and that of the exile is clearly evident in P's conception and treatment of the Sabbath. It may be noted here that the rigidity of the Sabbath observance was never considered Jewish life as a. burden. On the contrary it was always regarded as a day of the keenest and -ourest joy and delight and beloved by all, affording high religious satisfaction and true communion with God.
5. It is the season of the barley harvest in Palestine •
6. Deuteronomy, 1G. 1 f.
125
bringing of the sheaf of the first fruits of the harvest
1
unto the priest, the agricultural aspect of the feast
is ignored. The Passover precedes the seven (formerly 2
six ) days of Unleavened Bread as an independent festival and together commemorated, according to P, Yahweh's pro- tection of Israel at the tine of the Exodus from Egypt, thus conferring upon it the character of a theocratic memorial ordinance. Its date, too, is not like in
Deuteronomy subject to the state of the harvest, but is
the
precisely fixed at evening of the fourteenth of the
o
month of ITisan. The first ajid last days of the
holiday are days of "holy convocation" - a designation
peculiar only to p. Sacrifices of course, as is the
4
case with Ezekiel, are prescribed for the holiday* It is thus an ecclesiastical feast.
Q) . Pentecost. On the fiftieth day after the •.offering of the firstling sheaf (on the second day of Passover) is the Fea.st of 'Jeeks , originally the Feast Harvest (wheat) adopted by Israel in Canaan. It, too,
1. Leviticus, 25. 10 f*
2. Deuteronomy, 16. S.
3. Leviticus, 23. 5 f. Its precise date occurs first in Ezekiel j where the agricultural character of the festival is ignored. (Ezekiel, 45. 18 f .)
4. In Deuteronomy no sacrifice outside of the paschal offering on the eve of the holiday is prescribed.
126
1
is in p a day of "holy convocation". It is, however,
2
the only feast which has no theocratic foundation.
(4Q Tabernacles . The third of the Deuteronomic pilgrimage festivals is the Feast of Tabernacles, a
purely agricultural seven-day festival there, comrnemorat-
o
ing the fruit and wine harvest. p, like Ezekiel, again
fixes the exact day of the festival which begins on the
4
fifteenth day of the seventh month. The first and 5
eighth day are days of "holy convocation" . Moreover,
p again places upon it a theocratic stamp. It is a
memorial of the wilderness journeyings, and
"That your generations may know that I made the children of Israel to dwell in booths, when I brought them out ^ of the land of Egypt: I am Jehovah your God. "6
An elaborate sacrificial ritual is prescribed for each
day of the festival.
(5*°)m The Feast of Trumpets. The first of the new
days of "holy convocation" is the Ilemorial of Blowing
of Trumpets, or more simply, the Day of Blowing the
1. Leviticus, 23. 31. Ezekiel makes no mention of this festival •
2. In later Judaism the Giving of the Law was at- tached to this festival as Israel reached Sinai in the third month after the departure from Egypt (Exodus, 19.
1) which is the sa-ie month in which pentacost takes place.
3. Deuteronomy is the first tc call this Feast of In- gathering, "Tabernacles « .
4. Leviticus, 23. 34 f . ; Numbers, 29. 12 f. (Eze'ciel, 45. 25.)
5. This eighth day is first prescribed by p.
6. Leviticus, 23. 43.
7. Leviticus, 23. 24.
127
1
Trumpet • It appears for the first time in P and oc- curs at the new moon (first of the month) of the seventh month, Tishri. No servile work is allowed. Its cele-
. "oration is also narked with the bringing forth of sae- a
rif ices .
(Z1) . The Day of Atonement. The most s acred and
most solemn in the Jewish calendar is the Dav of Atone- 3
merit, which ie also purely theocratic in p.
"And it shall "be a statute for ever unto you; in the seventh month, on the tenth of the month, ye shall afflict your souls, and shall do no manner of work, the home— born, or the stranger that sojourneth among you: for on this day shall atonement be made for you to cleanse you; from a all of your sins shall ye be clean before Jehovah."
It was the great annual "piaculum" for the whole people.
The ritual is a very elaborate one. Expiation is made
by the high priest for himself, his house, the people,
the temple and the altar. The A^azel or scapegoat upon
jf whose head the sins v;ere laid and was borne away into the
wilderness formed a part of the ritual for this day.
l£any.,scholars maintain that the central idea underlying
the Day of Atonement as pc escribed by p is that unin-
1. Numbers, 29. 1.
2. It became later to be (New Year) .
3. Leviticus, 16. 29-34; Atonement and New Year are days •
4. Leviticus, 15. 29-30.
known as "Rosh Hashonah"
23. 26-32. The Day of
now known as the High Holi-
128
tentional acts may have violated the holiness in all that
pertains to the worship of Yahweh and has thus necessitated
1
a cleansing by the ceremonial shedding of "atoning" blood.
( c) » Property . In order to be able to use any possession other than land, all of which really belongs to Yahweh, P provides for the heave and wave offerings to be given unto the Priests and tithes unto the Levites, who
in turn are also to give heave offerings out of the
■
tithes they receive unto the priests. The firstlings
of unclean animals are to be redeemed while those of
clean animals axe holy. Their blood is to be sprinkled
upon the altar and their fat burnt as a sweet savor unto
3
Jehovah. The flesh, however, goes to the priest. Likewise, the first of fruit, wheat, wine, oil and dough are to be given to the Priests.
(d) . Life . Israel constitutes the property
1. In Ezekiel who is again the first to speak of Atonement this idea seems to prevail, though the cere- monial prescribed by him is simple. He prescribes, however, two Days of Atonement1 • After the destruction of the temple (70 A»D«) sincere repentance, which had even before then been considered by the SageS and later by the Rabbis as the only means of expiation available, remained the sole condition of Yahweh' s remission of sins. Forgiveness of the person wronged in case of sins committed by one against his fellow man must be secured before Yahweh* s pardon may be had.
2. lumbers, is. 8 f.
3. numbers, 18. 15 f.
129
1
of Yahweli alone, and is to be an absolutely pure people consecrated unto Him. Theoretically all Israel is a people of priests. Practically, however, the tribe of Levi is set aside to minister unto Jehovah on behalf of the people. This tribe is consecrated for the ex- clusive use of Yahweh in place of the nation. And just as the land is divided into zones of increasing sacred- ness, in pyreunidie fashion, so are the people. The Levites, the descendants of the second son of Aaron, Ithamar, are of superior holiness to the common Isra- elites. Uext in superiority of holiness ere the Priests, the descendants of Aaron's first born son,
Eleazar. And at the head of them all stands the
3 4 high priest, who is the supreme head of the State.
All of them must conform to certain rules of purity.
The higher up in the scale they are, the greater must
1. Leviticus, 25. 42, 55. 3* numbers, 3. 5 f .
3 . ''Esekiel 1 s distinction between p'riests and Levites is carried out with the modification that the Priests are identified with Aaron instead of Zaclok. The Levites, nevertheless, are by Divine arrangement from the beginning, and not due to any fault of theirs, the second-grade servitors of the temple as a gift of the people representing the first born male, and not as a lower grade of priests, (numbers, 3. § f, 41 f., 8.
9 f., 16 f. etc.)
4. The man-slayer who duly obtained safety at a city of refuge from the hands of the avenger of blood is reinstated in his original freedom upon the death of the higher priest (yunbers 35. 25).
130
"be their care in safeguarding themselves against defile- ment go as -to qualify for their respective service in the temple.
In addition to the above arrangement, the com- mon Israelite as a redeeming act of consecration, must
1
redeem the first horn male. And for the sane reason a poll tax of half a shekel is required of all adults as a protection of their life when they are numbered.
The idea of sanctity and purity as a measure o consecration finds expression also in the purificatory act of circumcision as well as in the numerous require- ments and regulations for purification, cleanliness,
o
sanitation and diet. Circumcision, an ancient rite common to all Semites, is in p God's sign of His covenant with Abraham -' the covenant which every Is-
O
raelite must absolutely keep forever. It is thus a. rite indicating both a removal of impurity and consecra- tion to Yahweh. It is the initiatory rite of the Is-
1. Numbers, is. 15.
2. Especially Leviticus, 11-15.
5. Genesis, 17. 9 f., Leviticus, 12. 3. Ho mention of it is ma.de in Deuteronomy, as it did not, in general practice then while in Canaan, reqaire any special regulation for it. Ezekiel, too, gives no direct regulation as to circumcision . He refers, however, to the uncircumcised in no commendable manner (Ezekiel, 28. 10; 31. 18; 44. 7). In exile circumcision becane the distinguishing mark of the Israelites.
131
raelite male without which he can never elaim Jewish identity. Clearly, it is the first fundamental ob- ligatory rite of Judaism.
1%} Arbitrary Enactment The rules and regulations, the tithes, taxes, and other provisions prescribed by P are generally not set forth upon rational grounds, but rather upon the principle of arbitrary enactment. Many of P's provi- sions as we have seen represent old practices. jp.1 of them, however, axe standardized by P and with rare ex- ception are so regulated as to become theocratic. One of P's outstanding examples of arbitrary enactment is its elaborate sacrificial system which is not, as was the ca.se in older times, ba.sed upon the idea, of communion and gift. Sacrifice is based rather upon the principle of taxes and fines. The public sacrifices which were maintained by the king in pre-exilic times are now in P supported chiefly by means of the poll tax of a third or half a shekel. These public sacrifices which were made on behalf of all Israel consist of the daily (Tamid) burnt offerings of a lamb morning and evening with a portion of flour mixed with oil and a libation of wine. On the Sabbath, New Moon, Hew YeaJ, and the three annual festivals, these offerings are multiplied.
132
And on the Day of Atonement the elaborate sacrificial ritual includes sin offerings as well as burnt offerings and the Asazel or scapegoat. The shew bread consisting of twelve loaves was set out by the Priests every Sab- bath in two rows upon a table in the sanctuary.
The private offerings are either prescribed or voluntary. The prescribed offerings may be for propi- tiation, expiation, sin, and purification (as for women and lepers). Voluntary offerings may be burnt offer- ings in payment of a vow, free peace offerings, liba- tions, and meal offerings. Cattle, sheep, or goats and in some cases turtle doves, vegetables and meal offerings were the victims*
Sin offering, juilt offering, burnt offering, 1 2 peace offering, meal offering and libation are the
main species of offering. As was pointed out on page 119, the sin offering and- the guilt offering which aje propitiatory offerings are the most prominent offer- ings*-. These two kinds of offerings which are not men- tioned in the other codes, are based upon Esekiel'e theory of sin which embraces everything that offends
1. These four kinds of offerings are described in Leviticus, 1-7.
3. Exact measurements of the meal offering and the libation are given in Numbers, 15. 1-12; Leviticus, 2 and 6.
133
1
the Sanctity of Yahweh.
It is to be observed that the real interest of P as regards sacrifice lies in the public offer- ings conducted "by the Priests on behalf of the entire community. P's concern and individual sacrifice ex- tends only to the individual^ required sin offering so as far as that particular individual is concerned no pollution will be brought upon Israel •
In closing our brief discussion of this sub- ject of sacrifice in P, it may be well to note LIr . C • G- Montefiore's remarks, which follow:
"If the spontaneous and natural character of the old pre- exilic worship seems to have given way to a fixed and mechanical system of sacri- ficial exercises, one must remember that these exercises were not necessarily or usually re- garded as a burden, but like the law itself, as a glorious manifestation of Yahweh»s intimate relations with Israel, and as the chosen means of man*s coimnunion with God. Higher religious feelings soon began to clothe and vivify the sacrificial system of the priestly code than were ever suggested or aroused by the sacrifices before the exile, whether at Jerusalem or in all the high plaices of Judaea. "2
(4) Conception of Holiness The watchword a,nd keynote of p's conception
1. For references in Ezekiel, Cf« supra, p. 119, n.
c •
2. Llontef iore, C« G»s Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion (Hibbert Lectures, 1892), p. 33o»
134
of holiness is •
"Ye shall be holy unto met for 1, Jehovah j am holy, and have set you apart from the peoples, that ye should be mine."l
It is this basic idea, as is with Ezekiel, that perme- ates its entire legislation. He have seen that every- thing in Israel must be holy and the nearer the contact with God (through the abode of His glory - the temple) the higher is the degree of holiness and the more ela- borate are the roles and precautions in order to re- alize and maintain the presence of Yahweh*S glory within Israel •
It must ce borne in mind, however, that in the above command the ethical inward and spiritual side of holiness is included* But precept and rule could only regulate fully the material, the physical and the outward phase of holiness. Obviously, it is this latter phase that came within the reach and compass of P - a code of rules and regulations. It is for this reason that it is more ^concerned with involuntary than with voluntary of- fences for it is only with respect to the former, with some slight exceptions, that the pollution can be over- come by ceremonial means. In this regard the influence of the higher religious teachings of the prophets is
1. Leviticus, CO • 2G.
135
manifest. fhe efficacy of sacrifice as a means of in- fluencing' God does not extend beyond and above the range of its influence as divinely decreed.
d. Ethics
Our preceding survey of the p code clearly indicates that ritual and not morality and ethics are its main concern on the whole. Its 'emphasis on cere- monialism, its elaborate sacrificial system, its keen interest in the altar and its ministers and its provi- sions for external purity and holiness, all point to a. reversal of prophetic emphasis of morality over ritual- ism. Furthermore, its narrowness and exclusiveness
1
towards nations other than Israel seems to mark a ret- rogression of the ideal universal spirit emphatically proclaimed by Deutero-ieaiah .
In the face of all these shortcomings, how- ever, we must not judge P too harshly. First of all, we must remember that p i: . its enlarged and completed form includes the profoundly ethical and moral as wrell as ritual Code of Holiness (Leviticus, 17-26) . And passages of its pure stamp such as "walk before me end
1. Leviticus, 25. 44 f.
2. Especially in Leviticus, chapters 19 and 20« Based upon the motive of the fear of God.)
130
1 .
ba thou perfect", indicate that p was really not indif- ferent to morality. Its ritualistic character - its outwardness rather than its inwardness - is due not merely to its being the product of priests, but rather to the stage of Israel's religious development, to its historic function in Israel. Ethics and morality were at the time of P not only sufficiently laid down by Is- rael's great prophets and embodied in the earlier codes and in Deuteronomy but had long before P been a com- mon possession of Israel, which had been purged by the exile. Y/hat seemed most vital and most pertinent at the time when the nation, by force of circumstance, had been transformed into a Church was to forge that armour which will preserve and safeguard that Church from de- struction or extinction. It fortunately fully realized its task. It rightly saw that heart-religion without ceremonialism is as inadequate as the latter is without the former. Human nature being what it is, both are es- sential for the preservation of religion. Only to a se- lect few can a Church exist without ceremonialism. Its very life depends upon its organ ization* And even the
1. Genesis, 17. l. Also Genesis, 6. 9-11. Viola- tion of morality, too, as we have already noted, could but rarely be even partially atoned for by sacrifice and as a. result was beyond the priestly realm.
137
prophets did not denounce ritualism as such, but rather
the form in which it was expressed in their day-
"But, if we cannot thus speak," says professor E» Kautzsch, "of moral duties towards non-Isra- elites (with such exceptions as the general pro- hibition of murder, Genesis 9 • 5 f ., and the kindly recommendation of the gerlm, Leviticus, 19. 33 f«)> is *3fuo that otherwise the ethical system of the prophets may be regarded as binding for P. Only, in his estimation, the moral ideal is not exhausted in the fulfilment of specially ethical demands, but he pla.ces along with these, at least upon the same level, if not upon a higher one, regulations as to the cultus - nay, purely ex- ternal, ritual requirements. Here, if anywhere, we see that p sets before him the realizing of the system sketched by Ezekiel. "1
And as is Ezekiel1 s cultus so is that of P's a purified
and moralized one.
It is absolutely free from that licentiousness, sensuality, heathenism and immorality which characterized the pre-exilic Canaanitish cultus.
Taken all in all, P can be no more accused of being indifferent to morality and ethics than its pre- cursor and guide, the prophet prominent for his ritualism
g
and legalism - Ezekiel.
1. Kr.utzsch, E»: Religion of Israel, in A Dictionary of the Bible, Index Volune, p. 722.
2. In this connection Ezekiel 's arrangement of his moral and social indictments in 22. G f and the vir- tues he requires of a. just man in 18. 6-9 are instruc- tive .
138
o- Legalism
In the P Code, ad we have already noted, le- galism receives it clearest expression- The life of the theocracy and its members is regulated by law - by special Divine command - observance of which is to in- sure the presence of the Divine glory* • The Lav: became Israel's duty and happiness, his prerogative and privi- lege- Even a.fter the canonization of the Scriptures, the Torah in its narrower sense consisted of the pre- cepts of the Pentateuch (canonized about 4C0 B-C-) coupled with their traditional implications . 80, generally speak- ing, Judaism established upon Ezekiel's legaJL-ritual foun- dation upon the introduction of P became a legal religion- Legalism was one of its main factors. Under its rule and along with it did not only develop later Talmudic Judaism but also the Psalms, the remnants of wisdom literature, religious lyric and elegiac poetry, some apocalypse and other non-legalistic aspects as time went on- Such a legalism which effected absolute submission to The Divine will, coupled with sincere piety and which was capable of providing within its frame for more spiritual and
vital manifestations than mere ritualism, cannot "in- 1
point of fact" be pronounced an evil. It gave Judaism
1- Toy, C- H-: Judaism and Chr istianity, p. 186.
J
139
its def initeness and at the sane time permitted a free spiritual growth of the individual* The uniformity of observance which it embodies is the essence of its ever enduring character.
The process of legalism inaugurated with the introduction of Deuteronomy and cemented into the foun- dation of Judaism by Ezekiel had thus now reached its unshalcable stage. It became a vital factor in every age -and epoch. The spirit with which legalism was and is conceived in Israel is summed up in the words of the psalmist who cheerfully and enthusiastically exclaims.*
"Oh how I love thy law l 1 It is my meditation all the day."
and
"The law of Yahweh is perfect, restoring the soul *»2
1 . psalms, IIS . 97
2. Psalms, 19. 7.
140
CHAPTER VII
A BRIEF HISTORICAL SURVEY OF JUDAI3I.I
"tfith the emphasis on brief > necessitated by
space, scope, and purpose, we shall attempt to present
in this chapter a panoramic view, so to speak , of the
course of Judaism from the time of its establishment
1
down to our own day- Before proceeding with this tp.sk, however, we must attempt to determine the quin- tessence of Judaism.
The word "Judaism" is first met with in the
Apocrypha* In liaccabees it denotes the religion of
the Jews as contrasted with Hellenism, the religion of
3
the Greeks. In the Hew Testament where the "Jew's"
religion is spoken 'of, Pharisaism, as an antithesis to
Christianity is apparently meant. "Yahaduth" which is
the Hebrew equivalent of the English word Judaism which
4
appears first in Rabbinic books signifies there the monotheism of the Jews as opposed to the polytheism of
!• The course of Judaism from the time its founda- tion was laid by Ezekiel down to its establishment under Ezra is reflected in the preceding three chap- ters •
2. II Mace 2. 21; 8. 1; 14. 38; IV Mace, 4. 26.
3 . 3 al at ians j l . 1 3-1 4 .
4. uidrash Rabba Esther, 3, 7.
141
the heathen.
To define Judaism is most difficult, for
"it is not a religion pure and simple based upon accepted creeds ... cut is one inseparably connected with the Jewish nation as the deposi- tory and guardian of the truths held by it for mankind. Furthermore, it is as a law, or sys- tem of laws, given by God in Sinai that Judaism is chiefly represented in Scripture and tradi- tion, the religious doctrines being only im- plicitly or occasionally stated; wherefore it is frequently asserted that Judaism is a theoc- racy (Josephus, 'Contra. Ap." li« 16), a religious legislation for the Jewish people, but not a re- ligion. The fact is that Judaism is too large and comprehensive a force in history to be de- fined by a single term or encompassed from one point of view."l
In Judaism broad humanitarism and ethical
principles appear side by side with strict ritualistic
requirements as its essentials.
"The true Israelite," says Dr. G. Deutsch, "is once characterized by kindness, modesty and charity (Yebamot 73a, Yer . Kiddushin iv, 1 ) and again by observance of the law of phylacteries, fringes, the Mezuzah on the doorpost and the like Pesahim 113b) . In the sane passage meekness, emperate habits and willingness to yield to others are presented as cardinal virtues. Against the 613 commandments incumbent upon the Israelite and the seven commandments incumbent upon all mankind, we find in another place the latitudinarian definition that abstaining from idolatry makes a Jew (Megillah 13a, Hedarim 28a) . A remarkable combination of the ritu- alistic with the ethical, definition of Judaism is found in a homily ascribed to R. Simla! (probably third century) who says the 613 com-
1. Kohler, K«: "Judaism", in the Jewish Encyclopedia, vol. 7, p. 359.
142
mandments were reduced by David to eleven. P Balms 15 by Isaiah to six (S3. 15-16), by Hi call 6. S to three, by Isaiah to two 56 . 1 , by Amos, (5. 4 and Habakuk, 2.4 to one l.ialckot, 23b to 24a) • In all these passages the ethical element of religion is accentuated, while the two last named are to present the two principal sources of . religious conviction, reason and faith."!
But if we cannot define Judaism clearly and
concisely, we may safely assert its fundament al element
or component. Dr. George Foot Moore, in his usual
brilliant and unexcelled manner, sums it up thus:
"The corner-stone of Judaism is the idea, of revealed religion. God has not only ma.de him- self known to men, but has declared to them his will for man's whole life. This revelation the Jews possess in their Holy Scripture and in its complement, the unwritten Lav; (The oraJ. Law was revealed at 3inai no less than the written Law.). There is no duty towards God or man which is not either expressly or by plain im- plication contained in this twofold revelation.
The Law is the signal proof of God's pecu- liar love to Israel* It is a universal bless- ing like the dew and the rain, a tree of life, an elixir of life to him who fulfils it. ... Love for the Lav; and devotion to its study and observance, pride in the Law as the wisest and best in the world, gratitude to God for the gift of the Law — this is the prevailing note in all periods.0
It is ' interesting to know how animating, how vital and enduring the spirit of legalism is in the life of Ju- daism. The influence of the genius of its father,
1« A Dictionary of Religion and Ethics, "Judaism", p. 239.
2. Uoore, G • F»« History of Religions, vol. II, pp 68-69.
143
Ezekiel, penetrates throughout the centuries.
To facilitate the further study of this chap- ter our brief discussion is divided into the following fundamental epochs •
1 . The First Century Following the Establishment
of Judaism (444 or 397 B»G« to 333 B.C.).
2. The Hellenistic Epoch ( 333 B«0« to the Dis-
persion, 70 A«D« ) •
3. The Talmudio Epoch {70 A«D« to 800 A-D«)«
4. The Rabbinic Epoch (300 A»D» to 1800 A«D.).
5. The Modern Epoch (180C A«D» to 1985 A«D • ) •
Each epoch Will now be discussed in the order enumerated above •
1. The First Century Follov.lnp; the Establishment of Judaism , ( 444 or 597 3 »G * to 555 5 jO .)
The period immediately following llehemiah is wanting in great names ana deeds. Affairs in Judaea ar shrouded in obscurity. Indirect evidence which testi- fies to certain facts is, however, available. The priesthood under the headship of the successive high priests Elishib, Joiada, Johanan and Jaddua eally directed the internal, civil as well as the religious
1. While this period does not actually cover a cen- tury, for convenience salce v;e may so term it roughly.
2. According to Josephus (Antiquities, XI, 7.1) Johanan murdered his brother in the temple - an in- cident which testifies to the growing ill practices, of the high priests, whose high position opened up opportunities for self-seeking.
144
affairs of the Judaean community . Entire secular au- thority was vested by tlie Persian government in the per- son of the high priest. His autocratic power was tem- pered "by the written lav/ which had thus attained unques- tioned authority in the life of the community. Israel was living now under a written law.
The leaders of thought in Judaism, however, were not the priests but the scribes (soferim) and the psalm- ists who spoke more directly to the piety of the people. The increasing need for the instruction, interpretation and exposition of the Law which the introduction of the P Code and the subsequent canonisation of the Pentateuch (about 40C B»0») have intensified, brought the scribes into prominence. These men aimed at raising Judaism to a higher intellectual plane. Through their initiative the national system of synagogue worship, study and as- sembly which was probably brought from Babylon to JUdah was developed. Side by side with the temple and even within, its precincts were the synagogues now flourishing. Hebrew which had been to a great extent forgotten during the exile in Babylon was revived among the scribes and the Aramaic script was adopted, according to some scholars* The liturgy aJid Bible emendation ("tikkune soferim") also engaged their activities. Their main task, however, con- stituted in knowledge or scholarship of the Law, in gather-
145
ing together and elaborating Israel's sacred literature, in interpreting it to the oommon people and in making the Lav; the rule of faith and life. Unlike other priestly duties which centered around the temple the study and exposition of the Law, concentrated at the synagogue, was engaged in now more and more "by pious laymen and not as originally by priests and Levites. The scribal pro- fession thus became differentiated from the priesthood, which continued to occupy itself with the ever growing sacrificial and ritualistic functions.
While most modern scholars refuse to accept the Jewish tradition of the establishment by Ezra of the Great Synagogue as a permanent institution, the motto at- tributed to them is worthy of notice. It expresses the Jewish conception of the functions of such a body thus;
"Be deliberate in giving judgment, and rear up numerous disciples and make a fence for the Law."-*-
The activit ies of the psalmists of this period are reflected in psalms 42-33, compiled about 43O-330 B.C. (in addition to those compiled at the time of ilehemiaii and Ezra). Large sections of the Book of proverbs, the epic- idyll story of the praiseworthy Moabitess, Ruth, the pro- phetic-apocalyptic book of the "apocalyptic seer of the
1 • Abot, l.l.
146
spirits outpouring" - Joel - (about 400 B.C«), the chap- ters (Isaiah, 24-27) of the "seer of judgment, ressur- rection and immortality1 (about 340-332 B.C.) and the
great literary dramatic poem on theodicy the Book of 1
Job (which deals with the problem of the suffering of tlfe righteous, or the doctrine of retribution) are the more important Old Testament literary products of this • period. Gnomic poetry which reached its highest de- velopment in the next period had its beginnings now.
Samaritan and Jewish friction which first made its appearance at the time of the building of the temple under Zerubbabel became more intensified under the policy
of exclusiveness pursued by Uehemiah and Ezra. Finally,-
3
whether in the days of Uehemiah or at the beginning of
- 4
Alexander's rule in Syria the Samaritan Schism, whioh completed the breach between the Jews and the Samaritans, took place. The Samaritan chief 3anbaUat' erected a
1. Supra, p» 143, n. 2.
2. Dr. George Foot Moore in History of Religions, p. 48, holds that the Book of Job belongs to the Persiajn or earlier Greek period. According to our Dr. Robert H» Pfeiffer, it is a book of Edomitic wisdom which pre- cedes Deutero-Isaiah . (Dual Origin of Hebrew Monotheism, in the Journal of Biblical Literature, XL VI, Parts IIl/lV p. 205 f . Also his article "Edomitic ,,'isdom" in Zeit- schrift fur die alt test am en til one Wissenschaft und die Kunde de nachbiblischen Juden turns, Band 19, p. 13 f .)
3. Uehemiah, 13. 28.
4. Antiquities, XI, 7, 3; 8. 2-7.
147
temple at Mount Gerizim for his son-in-law Manas sen, the renegade brother of the Jewish high priest Jadduah. For their Bible the Samaritans, who have survived, though with exceedingly diminishing numbers to the present day, adopted the Pentateuch and the Book of Joshua ( the Hexa- teuch), the latter of which they transformed so freely that it is hardly recognizable • In contrast to the Jews who have adopted the Aramaic form of letters, the Samari- tans preserved their archaic script, which consists of a peculiar variety of the old Hebrew alphabet. By adopt- ing a reactionary conservatism towards everything Jewish beyond the Hexateuch, they became stagnant from the out- set .
Deuteronomic Law as to centralization of wor- ship was apparently interpreted by Egyptian Jews, at least, as applicable to Palestine only. On the upper Nile a Jewish military settlement known as the Elephan- tine colony had a stately temple ministered by a regular
1
priesthood in due fashion. Later in the days of An- tiochus IV (175-164 B «C • ) the Jews of Lower Egypt built a temple at Leontopolis, whose chief priesthood was of
1. The Elephantine papyre which testify to these facts deal with the period between 494 to about 400 E.C«
148
the old line of Jerusalem* It outlived the temple at Jerusalem by two years (to 72 &»£•)• The religious life of these Jewish communities in Egypt were on a lov/er level than that of the Jews in Palestine or Baby- lon.
Adjustment of daily living to the requirements of the Law, its study, instruction and exposition by the scribes, development of the liturgical and devotional as< pects, the growing prominence of the synagogue and the recognition of the civil and ecclesiastical power of the priesthood were the main manifestations of Judaism of this period*
3. The Hellenistic Epoch 333 B»C« to the Dispersion 70 A«D«
The task of Judaism to preserve its faith un- contaminated by means of religious separation from all non-observers of the Lav; became especially difficult when the victorious compaigns of Alexander the Great linked the East and the V/est. Before this period, Jews have spread from Babylon into Persia, Media, and other eastern and northern provinces. How with the conquests of Alexander they were also to be found in all the new centres of politics and commerce which soon developed everywhere in the East. Israel thus comes into close
149
contact with Greek civilization. And soon Hellenic in- fluences reflect themselves in Jewish life and thought.
Side by side with the scribes have developed now the "sages" (Hakamim) who in part, at least, were professional teachers of youth - Jewish sophists - so to speak (without the color that sophistry is tinctured with as a result of Plato). The work of sage and scribe was often, as was the case with Jesus ben Sirach, com- bined. It represents the fundamental tendency of Ju- daism of the Greek period (533-168 B.C.)* The litera- ture which includes the apocryphal as well as the Old
Testament Wisdom books has reached its highest develop-
1
ment in this period.
The landmark in Judaism of the Greek oeriod is
2
the book of Jesus ben Sirach (Ecclesiasticus). In it
we find that subjectively wisdom is "the fear of the 3 4
Lord". Objectively, it is the law of Moses. While visdom as referred to in the literature of this period was to serve as a practical guide for the conduct of
1. Mention has already been made of the Book of Job and Proverbs in our discussion of the previous period- According to some scholars they belong to the early part of the Greek period.
2. About 190 B.C.
3. Ecclesiasticus, 1.1-15.
4. Moore, G» F«: Judaism, Vol. I, p. 312.
150
life, it constituted fundam en tally religious ethics. As a reaction to Hellenic influence it considered Judaism as the only true wisdom as it is the only true religion .
Ecclesiasticus also expresses the spirit of
the 7isdom literature of this period.
"AH wisdom cometh from the Lord. ... She is with all flesh according to his gift, and he gave her freely to them that love him."l
Fur the r mo re
"Fear the Lord with all thy soul, and reverence his priests. 11th all thy strength love him that made thee, and forsake not his ministers. Honour the Lord and glorify the priest and give him his portion, even as it is commanded thee . "2
The same spirit is expressed in Ecclesiastes j
"Fear God and keep his commandments , for this is the whole duty of man."^
Vj'ithin the councils of the Sanhedrin, the Jewish
high court, sat the expounders of the Law, the scribes.
Contemporaneous with Sirach was the high priest Simeon
4
the Righteous (225-195 E «C • ) who was also the head of the schools of his day. One of his most fa/nous sayings
1. Ecclesiasticus, 1. 1-10.
2. Ecclesiasticus, 7. 29, 31.
3. Ecclesiastes, 12. 13.
4. The high priest was still the center of power in Israel. From the time of the Ptolemies, however, he was assisted by the Sanhedrin in the administration of the affairs of the community.
151
is :
"The world (the Jewish community) depends upon three things: upon the study of the Torah, upon worship in the temple, and upon kindliness (or practice of charity)."!
The sayings of the succeeding teachers down to Hill el (President of the Sanhedrin from 31 B «C • to 10 A»D«) deal almost exclusively with ethical and legal, prin- ciples. While they did not neglect the ceremonial lav/, they laid very great stress on the ideas of justice and probity*
In corning into conflict with Hellenism, Ju- daism with its representative centre in Palestine, cre- ated an attitude of defence of the Jewish faith with the weapons of Greek thought, under whose influence it came. The schools of the scribes cultivated the habit of inde- pendent thought.
With Jonah (about 300 B.C.), "the prophet of a God of breadth" and the prophetic-apocalyptic chapters of "the seer of Jehovah's universal reign", Old Testament prophecy comes to a complete close. Canonization of the prophetic material (earlier and later prophets as desig- nated in the Hebrew Bible) was effected in 200 B«C* psalms 84 to 89, which are an appendix to the second col-
1. Abot, 1. 2.
152
lection (psalms 42-83, compiled in 430-330 B.C.) have been compiled in 300-250 B»C« Chronicles, which in- cluded Ezra-lTehemiah, was also written then. And in Alexandria where there was already a considerable Jewish population the Septuagint (I. XX) or the Greek version of the sacred Lav; appeared (about 250-200 B»C«)" The Hebraic spirit and the Hellenistic drew closer there despite the constant struggles.
It was in Judaea, however, that the unfavor- able influences of Hellenism became more apparent, v/ith Jason, the base brother of the godly high-priest Onias, III, the priesthood becane the willing tools of the Hellenizing suzerain rulers. Under him (174-171 B.C.) the Hellenistic faction gained control over the temple. His successor, a still more unprincipled renegade, Menelaus, a Hellenistic Jew of the tribe of Benjamin who outbid the priesthood from Antiochus Epiphanes (175- 164 B.C.), furthered the extreme anti-Judaistic measures of Antiochus which brought about the Maccabean Revolt under Judas l.laccabaeus .
This uprising, purely religious in character at first, had called forth the party of the Hasidaeans, who were the most ardent devotees of the Law, and a great na- tional and religious enthusiasm as a reaction to the vi- olent Hellenization policy of Antiochus. The hopes and
153
fears first experienced in the course of the uprising are reflected in the Book of Daniel (about 167 B-C»)» while the religious aspiration and enthusiasm are mirrored in the last two books of the psalter (Books IV and V, and psalms 90-150) which were compiled about 165 B -0 • It was the devotion to their faith and their zeal for the Law that led the Maccabees and their followers to tri- umph.
The wars in which the Llaccabees were engaged first for religious liberty (when they were whole- heartedly supported by the Kasidaeans), then for the independence of Judaea,-and finally for the reconquest of the whole of Palestine, aroused naturally an aggres- sive national spirit which reflected itself in the Ju- daism of that period. Out of the Hasideans arose the
1
Pharisees, whom Josephus mentions as having existed as a party during the time of Jonathan (161-143 B-0»)*
Later they emerge on the historical stage in conflict
2
with John Hyrcanus. Here we find them in their true
character as the partisans of the unwritten law.
"The Pharisees have delivered to the common people by tradition from a continuous succes- sions of fathers certain legal regulations which are not written in the Law of Moses, on
1. Josephus, XIII, 5. 9.
2. Ibid., 10. 5 f.
154
which account the Sadducean sort rejects them, affirming that what is written is to be re- garded as law, but what comes from the tradi- tion of